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  1. Were the Soldiers Coming from Kufa to Fight Imam Husayn (AS) Shia? Is It True That the Shia Martyred Their Imam for Financial Gain and Ubayd Allah's Bribes? To understand whether the troops of Kufa at Karbala were Shia and whether the Shia killed their Imam for financial gain, one must examine the social structure of Kufa, the political climate of that era, and the composition of Umar ibn Sa'd's army. Kufa in 60 AH was not a monolithic Shia society, but rather a tribal city with diverse and often conflicting groups; Sharif al-Qurashi detailed and analyzed these tribes individually in Hayat al-Imam al-Husayn (AS). [1] Many true Shia had been suppressed, exiled, or killed by the Umayyad regime in the years leading up to Ashura. [2] 1. Demographics of Kufa and the Composition of Umar ibn Sa'd's Army Kufa was a city composed of various Arab tribes, mawali (non-Arab clients), warriors, new converts to Islam, and various other groups. Intense tribal factionalism ran rampant among them; in this regard, Ibn Abi al-Hadid writes that toward the end of Imam Ali's (AS) rule, corruption had become widespread among the people of Kufa who belonged to numerous tribes. A person from his own tribe's quarter would walk into the homes of another tribe and loudly call out to his tribe to incite strife, saying, for instance, "O Nakha'! O Kindah!" The members of the tribe where he was shouting would swarm him and beat him. He would then return to his own tribe for support, leading them to draw swords against each other and spark civil conflict. [3] In such a city, the devoted Shia of the Ahl al-Bayt constituted only a small fraction of the population; many tribes harbored Uthmanic or Umayyad leanings, while others were completely indifferent. Therefore, being a "Kufan" was not equivalent to being a "Shia." [4] Historical sources state that Umar ibn Sa'd's army was formed of various contingents that joined him daily from Kufa. Al-Baladhuri writes that under Ibn Ziyad's orders, groups of twenty, thirty, fifty, and one hundred men were dispatched daily from Kufa toward Umar ibn Sa'd's army.[5] This army was assembled through financial inducements, threats, and security pressures exerted by Ubayd Allah ibn Ziyad. He bought off the tribal leaders with money and promises of government offices, leaving the common people—who were subordinate to their tribal chiefs—with no choice but to follow. It is also worth mentioning that Umar ibn Sa me's army included soldiers from Syria, meaning not all troops were from Kufa. Shaykh al-Saduq narrates in Al-Amali that the forces under the command of the enemies of God, Sinan ibn Anas and Shimr ibn Dhi al-Jawshan, included a group of Syrian people. [6] 2. The Status of the True Shia in Kufa During the eras of Amir al-Mu'minin (AS) and Imam Husayn (AS), the people of Kufa fell into two categories: Shia in the General Sense: A broad term applied to those who, during the events of early Islam—particularly after the assassination of the third caliph, Uthman ibn Affan—supported Ali's (AS) caliphate and combined this support with criticism of Uthman's conduct, even if they did not believe in the divine, immediate Imamate (Nass) of Ali (AS) and his descendants. On this basis, even many who accepted the caliphs prior to Ali (AS) (Sunnis) were referred to as "Shia" out of affection for the Ahl al-Bayt (AS). [7] Shia in the Specific Sense: Applied to followers of the Shia school of thought in contrast to the followers of Sunni Islam; these were those who believed in the divine, immediate Imamate of Ali (AS) and his descendants after the Noble Prophet (SAW). [8] The dedicated Shia loyal to the Ahl al-Bayt (AS) were under severe oppression in the years leading up to Ashura, and the most destitute of people at that time were the people of Kufa. Mu'awiyah appointed Ziyad ibn Sumayyah as governor of Kufa while simultaneously placing Basra under his command. Ziyad aggressively hunted down the Shia. He knew them personally, as he had been among the supporters of Imam Ali (AS) during his caliphate. Thus, he tracked them down wherever they were and executed them, threatened them with death, or expelled them from Iraq to the extent that no prominent Shia remained in Iraq. [9] Consequently, the specific Shia never participated in Umar ibn Sa'd's army, as many of them had been killed prior to the tragedy of Ashura—such as Hani ibn Urwah[10]—while others were held in Ibn Ziyad's prisons, such as Mukhtar al-Thaqafi. [11] In other words, the specific Shia were either alongside the Imam in his army and ultimately attained martyrdom, were imprisoned and besieged by Ubayd Allah and Yazid, or arrived at Karbala after the tragedy had already taken place. 3. The Role of Financial Bribes and Worldly Promises Ubayd Allah ibn Ziyad, fully aware of Kufa's tribal dynamics, coerced the tribal leaders into compliance with worldly inducements. For instance, when Ubayd Allah ordered Umar ibn Sa'd to prepare to confront and fight Imam Husayn (AS), Umar initially refused. Ubayd Allah then told him to forfeit his appointment as governor of Rayy. Umar requested a night to deliberate, and after the granted period, yielded out of fear that the governorship of Rayy would be confiscated, agreeing to stand against and fight Imam Husayn (AS). [12] The common people, dependent on their tribal chieftains, either joined the army or remained silent out of fear for their lives and property. Imam Husayn (AS), addressing the Kufans in Umar ibn Sa'd's army, said: "Whoever disobeys my command shall be among the destroyed; and all of you have disobeyed my command and closed your ears to my words. Your sustenance has been tainted with the unlawful (Haram), and your bellies are filled with the unlawful; hence, God has sealed your hearts. Woe unto you! Will you not pay heed? Will you not listen?" [13] This narration from Imam Husayn (AS) serves as clear testimony that the Umayyad regime, possessing a deep understanding of Kufa's tribal structure, deployed "poisoned economics" and financial temptation as the most effective tool to neutralize the camp of truth. By accusing Umar ibn Sa'd's army of feeding on the unlawful, the Imam (AS) unveiled the reality that Ibn Ziyad's worldly promises were not merely bribes, but a "dehumanizing" process targeting the Kufans' discernment, insight, and even spiritual hearing. In fact, this narration proves that the livelihood dependence of society's populace on state-salaried tribal leaders forged a chain of fear and greed so absolute that their collective conscience was entirely blocked against illicit gifts. Consequently, it was not the clear word of the Proof of God (Hujjat Allah), but merely the preservation of worldly interests that became their guiding compass, ultimately dragging them from standing with the truth to becoming pawns in their own moral collapse. Conclusion Based on authoritative historical evidence, the troops of Kufa who were present at Karbala were not the "Shia of Imam Husayn (AS)"; rather, they were a composite of diverse tribes, regime forces, and coerced individuals. The true Shia were either imprisoned, executed, or forcibly prevented from being present. Thus, the claim that "the Shia killed their Imam for money" is a historical distortion incompatible with the social and political realities of Kufa. [1] . Ḥayāt al-Imām al-Ḥusayn (AS), al-Qurashī, al-Shaykh Bāqir Sharīf, vol. 2, p. 436. [2] . Al-Iḥtijāj, al-Ṭabarsī, vol. 2, p. 17. [3] . Sharḥ Nahj al-Balāghah, Ibn Abī al-Ḥadīd, vol. 13, p. 167. [4] . Raftār-shināsī-ye Mardom-e Kūfe dar Nahżat-e Ḥosaynī, Shaykhiyān, ‘Alī, p. 8. [5] . Ansāb al-Ashrāf, al-Balādhurī, vol. 3, p. 179. [6] . Al-Amālī, al-Shaykh al-Ṣadūq, p. 226. [7] . Tarikh-e Tashayyu' dar Iran az Aaghaz ta Tulu'-e Dawlat-e Safawi, Jafarian, Rasool, pp. 21–22 / Simay-e 'Aqa'id-e Shi'ah, Subhani, Ja'far, (Trans. Javad Muhaddithi), p. 22. [8] . Al-Milal wa al-Nihal, Al-Shahrastani, Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Karim, Vol. 1, p. 169. [9] . Sharḥ Nahj al-Balāghah, Ibn Abī al-Ḥadīd, vol. 11, p. 44. [10] . Murūj al-Dhahab wa Ma‘ādin al-Jawhar, Mas‘ūdī, ‘Alī ibn Ḥusayn, vol. 3, p. 55. [11] . Ansāb al-Ashrāf, al-Balādhurī, vol. 6, p. 377. [12] . Biḥār al-Anwār, al-‘Allāmah al-Majlisī, vol. 44, p. 384. [13] . Maqtal al-Ḥusayn, Khwārazmī, vol. 2, p. 9.
  2. Could the weather in Karbala in mid-October 680 AD have caused the severe, agonizing thirst described in historical accounts of the Battle of Karbala? Based on astronomical studies and the correspondence of lunar and solar calendars, the date of the event of Ashura and the martyrdom of Imam Husayn (AS) corresponds to October 12, 680 AD (20 Mehr of the year 59 Solar Hijri). [1] However, due to the use of a conventional calendar (mean crescent) in long-term calculations and the accumulation of the difference between the moon and the sun over several decades, there is a possibility of a difference of one to two days between this calculated date and the actual date. The examination of historical evidence also confirms that the time of Imam Husayn's (AS) presence in Karbala, contrary to popular belief, was not in the middle of summer. The timeline of this event can be reconstructed based on the following reports: 1. The timing of the Kufans' correspondence: In the letters that reached the Imam in Mecca, the people of Kufa had written: "The gardens have become green and the fruits have ripened; so whenever you intend, come toward us, for an army stands ready awaiting you." [2] This description indicates that the writing and dispatch of these letters took place in late spring or early summer. 2. The movement of Muslim (ibn Aqil): On the other hand, it is reported that Muslim hired two guides from the tribe of Qays; they lost their way during the night, became lost in the morning's disorientation, and were overcome by intense thirst and heat. [3] This account indicates that at the time of Muslim's movement toward Kufa, the weather was turning hot and the summer season had begun. Considering the time interval between Muslim's movement and the dispatch of the Sayyid al-Shuhada's (AS) caravan toward Iraq, one can conclude that the Imam's arrival in Karbala occurred in early autumn. Regarding the air temperature of Karbala during the period of the Sayyid al-Shuhada's (AS) stay, there is no direct and explicit report available; however, some implicit reports suggest heat during those days. Among such indications is a report related to the days before Ashura and the period of the Imam's caravan being besieged by the army of Umar ibn Sa'd. Sa'd ibn 'Ubayda says regarding this: "Due to the heat of the weather, I had entered the water along with Umar ibn Sa'd [to cool off]; at that moment, a man came and whispered to Umar ibn Sa'd that Ibn Ziyad had sent Juwayriyah ibn Badr and ordered that if you show any slackness in the matter of battle, he will strike off your neck." [4] This implicit report clearly demonstrates that the air temperature on those days was high enough that the commander of the enemy's army had taken refuge in the water to escape the heat and seek comfort. Furthermore, in another report pertaining to the days when water was cut off from Ahl al-Bayt (AS), reference is made to the rising trend of the air temperature during the day; it has been narrated: "The situation became difficult for the Imam, his loyal companions, and his honored Ahl al-Bayt; the companions went to seek water but returned empty-handed; therefore, spirits became grieved, hearts were broken, and souls withered. Gradually, the day passed and the weather grew hotter and hotter until the time of zawal (noon) arrived, the sun stood over the meridian, and the heat of the air reached its maximum intensity." [5] This precise description indicates that as noon approached, the air temperature reached its peak, and this very factor drastically reduced the threshold of endurance of those suffering from thirst. Based on this, one can understand that during the days of siege and the cutting off of water, the Imam's caravan faced the unbearable heat of midday. However, it must be noted that there is no explicit report indicating that "the heat of the weather" was the main cause of the extreme thirst on the Day of Ashura; on the contrary, evidence exists showing that this excessive thirst resulted from other factors. For example, regarding Ali Akbar (AS), who experienced intense thirst, it is recorded that he, while bearing numerous wounds on his body, said to his noble father: "O father! Thirst has brought me to my knees, and the heaviness of weaponry and iron armor has worn me out; is there a way to obtain even a sip of water so that I may gain strength against the enemies?" [6] Based on this, one can conclude that the primary cause of the heart-rending thirst of the Imam's companions was, in the first instance, the prohibition of access to water, and in the second instance, intense military activity (heavy armor and high mobility) and severe blood loss resulting from wounds; for, from a medical standpoint, blood loss (hypovolemia) and hemodynamic disorders are directly linked to the stimulation of the sensation of thirst and intense dehydration. [7] On the other hand, in some reports concerning the clothing of the Sayyid al-Shuhada (AS) at the moment of martyrdom, certain points are mentioned that can serve as another strong indication that the weather on the Day of Ashura was not intensely hot. In a narration from the noble book Al-Kafi, it is stated: "Husayn ibn Ali (AS) was martyred while wearing a jubbah (long garment) of khazz dakna' (dark or grey khazz); later, on his purified body, sixty-three marks were found from sword strikes, spear wounds, and arrow impacts"[8]. Also, in another historical report, it is mentioned that after the martyrdom of the Imam, Qays ibn Ash'ath plundered the Imam's qatifah (cloak or mantle), which was also made of khazz. [9] For a more precise elucidation of the concepts of khazz, jubbah, and qatifah, an examination of the views of lexicographers will be illuminating: Khazz: Lexicographers have provided various definitions for this word; in the first definition, the well-known khazz is a type of fabric woven from wool and silk, and wearing it is permissible, as it has been reported that some Companions and Successors (Tabi'un) also used such garments. [10] In another description, al-khazz is identified as the name of a four-legged aquatic animal, similar to a fox, that grazes on land and dives into water, and clothing is woven from its wool or fur. It has also been reported from Ibn Fereshta in his commentary on Majma' that khazz is the wool of a sea-sheep, and in hadith it has been mentioned that these are the same as beavers. Nevertheless, the well-known khazz is essentially the garments woven from wool and silk. [11] Jubbah: Regarding its meaning, it has been said that it is a long, lined garment formed by joining pieces of fabric together. [12] Qatifah: Lexicographers, in explaining qatifah, have said that it is a garment or covering that is fluffy (having nap or pile). [13] Although the aforementioned lexical definitions do not explicitly point to the seasonal nature of these garments, there exists a narration concerning the clothing of Imam Sajjad (AS) that confirms the use of khazz in the cold seasons; in this report it is stated: "Imam Sajjad (AS) would wear two garments in summer, which he would purchase for five hundred dinars; but in winter, he would wear a garment of mutarrif khazz (a type of precious and soft fabric), and with the arrival of summer, he would sell it for fifty dinars and give the proceeds in charity".[14] In explaining the term mutarrif, lexicographers have stated that mutarrif is a square (four-cornered) garment made of khazz upon which there are designs, symbols, or emblems. [15] Although, considering the variety of khazz garments, from the hadith of Imam Sajjad (AS) one can only infer the winter nature of the "mutarrif" type of it, yet taking into account the general nature of khazz fabric—which, according to the definitions, was either made from the skin of an animal similar to a fox (beaver) or woven from nap and silk—one can conclude that garments made from this material were generally intended for weather other than the scorching heat of the Arabian and Iraqi summer. This indication supports that the climate on the day of Ashura was more temperate than summer. Citing historical and long-term data from reputable global climate organizations—such as NASA (the MERRA-2 project), the World Meteorological Organization (WMO), and station-based data repositories such as Time and Date and WeatherSpark—over the past forty years shows that the temperature conditions of Karbala in the second half of the month of Mehr (corresponding to the timeframe of October 10, 680 AD) are as follows: the average maximum temperature is 34 degrees Celsius; the average minimum temperature is 20 degrees Celsius. Based on this, over the course of these forty years, there have been instances where the air temperature on the twentieth of Mehr was close to 40 degrees. [16] Now, it must be said that although the average temperature of the twentieth of Mehr over these forty years would not be considered a comfort temperature, it must be said that given the tropical climate and the disposition of the Arab people of that era, it would not have been regarded as "intense and unbearable heat." On the other hand, although Imam Husayn (AS) wore a khazz garment, since the style of his clothing differed from the "winter mutarrif" of Imam Sajjad (AS), one can understand that the structure of that jubbah and qatifah was compatible with an autumn temperature inclined toward warmth (around 35 degrees) and was at the very least not suitable for intense and scorching summer heat. Air temperature is only one of the stimuli of thirst, and considering these indications, it likely did not play a central and independent role in producing that intense thirst on the Day of Ashura. In fact, the prohibition of access to water, heavy military activity, the heaviness of combat equipment (armor and helmet), and severe blood loss resulting from wounds are the definitive and physiological causes of the heart-rending thirst of the Husayni caravan. Ultimately, it must be said that establishing the air temperature of Karbala in the range below 40 degrees cannot by any means, serve as a logical or reasonable argument for rejecting or undermining the reality of the thirst of Ahl al-Bayt (AS) on the Day of Ashura. [1] . www.britannica.com/biography/al-Husayn-ibn-Ali-Muslim-leader-and-martyr / Center for Astronomical Studies and Research / (To perform calculations, the user goes to the "Settings" section of the system and sets the start date in solar terms as 15/07/59 and the end date as 22/07/59. After registering the desired time period and selecting the "Calculate" option, the system automatically calculates the solar and lunar equivalent of the entered date and reports its correspondence with the occasion of Ashura.) [2] . Mustadrakat 'Ilm Rijaal al-Hadith, al-Namazi al-Shahrudi, al-Shaykh Ali, vol. 4, p. 197. [3] . Maqtal al-Husayn, al-Muqarram, al-Sayyid Abd al-Razzaq, p. 146. [4] . Az Madinah ta Madinah (Maqtal), Dhahni Tehrani, Sayyid Muhammad Jawad, p. 377. [5] . Ibid., p. 361. [6] . Maqtal al-Husayn, al-Khwarazmi, vol. 2, p. 35. [7] . Regulation of Thirst, Simon N. Thornton. [8] . Al-Kafi, al-Shaykh al-Kulayni, vol. 6, p. 452. [9] . Al-Malhuf 'ala Qatla al-Tufuf, al-Sayyid ibn Tawus, p. 178. [10] . Lisan al-Arab, Ibn Manzur, vol. 5, p. 345. [11] . Majma' al-Bahrayn, al-Turayhi al-Najafi, Fakhr al-Din, vol. 1, p. 641. [12] . Taj al-Arus, al-Zabidi, Murtada, vol. 2, p. 119. [13] . Al-Nihaya fi Gharib al-Hadith wa al-Athar, Ibn al-Athir, Majd al-Din, vol. 4, p. 84. [14] . Makarim al-Akhlaq, al-Tabarsi, Radi al-Din, vol. 4, p. 84. [15] . Shams al-'Ulum, al-Himyari, Nashwan, vol. 7, p. 55. [16] . NASA website, (According to the NASA website, all the days of forty years have been examined, and the temperature of each day has been individually recorded. This table can be given to an artificial intelligence so that it provides only the air temperature of October 12 for each year. In this way, we will have a more concise table of the air temperature of October 12 over the past forty years. Enter the following coordinates for the city of Karbala: latitude: 32.62, longitude: 44.03)
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