Taqavi

Did the Companions (Sahabah) and Successors (Tabi'un) Oppose the Uprising of Imam Husayn (AS)? 1. Differentiating the Motives and Reasons for Non-Participation A rigorous examination of history demonstrates that notable figures among the Companions and Successors—such as 'Abdullah ibn 'Abbas[1], 'Abdullah ibn 'Umar[2], Abu Waqid al-Laythi[3], Ahnaf ibn Qays[4], 'Abdullah ibn Muti'[5], 'Abdullah ibn Ja'dah[6], and 'Umar ibn 'Abd al-Rahman[7]—held critical views regarding Imam Husayn’s (AS) movement. However, the nature of these conversations and their underlying motives differed significantly, requiring a distinction between two primary approaches: A) A Compassionate Stance and Strategic Concern: A figure like Ibn 'Abbas acted neither out of worldly attachment nor acceptance of Umayyad rule; rather, based on a strategic analysis and the bitter historical experience of the Kufans breaking their pledges during the eras of Amir al-Mu'minin (AS) and Imam Hasan (AS), he was sincerely fearful for the lives of the Imam and his household, foreseeing their tragic martyrdom in this journey[8]. Similarly, 'Umar ibn 'Abd al-Rahman, in his meeting with the Imam (AS), explicitly pointed out the unfaithfulness of the Kufans and their obsession with dirhams and dinars[9]. B) Political Conservatism and Neglect of the Station of Imamate: Others evaluated the Imam's movement through the lens of ordinary political calculations. Operating under the notion of preserving the outward unity of the Ummah under the ruler of the time (even an oppressive one), they offered unsolicited counsel. Due to a decline in spiritual insight (basirah) and prioritizing comfort over religious duty, this group failed to comprehend the divine authority (marja'iyyah) and responsibility of an Infallible Imam to safeguard the religion[10]. Historical studies also indicate that the passivity and silence of certain Companions and notables in the face of Umayyad tyranny were rooted in tribal expediency, fear of the emerging Umayyad power, and the preference for personal safety over religious duty. This meaningful silence, far from proving the legitimacy of Yazid, serves as evidence of the decline in political discernment and the weakness of faith among these individuals during a decisive juncture in Islamic history[11]. 2. The Role of Struggling Companions and Successors at Karbala In contrast to the passive approach of certain elites, another group of prominent Companions and Successors, possessing a true understanding of their divine duty, stood steadfast alongside Imam Husayn (AS) unto death. A concise account of some of these figures includes: Anas ibn al-Harith al-Kahili (Companion): He was a narrator of the famous Prophetic tradition stating: "This son of mine [Husayn] will be slain in Karbala; whoever witnesses that event must aid him." Relying directly on this Prophetic Sunnah, Anas presented himself at Karbala and was martyred[12]. The grandeur of his station and his fame within the Shia community were such that Kumayt ibn Zayd al-Asadi—the renowned poet and great defender of the Ahl al-Bayt (AS)—recounted his lofty status and heroic martyrdom in his historical verses[13]. 'Abd al-Rahman ibn 'Abd Rabb al-Ansari (Companion): He was a direct witness and narrator of the Hadith of Ghadir during the historical event of Rohbah [14]in Kufah. Equipped with complete recognition (ma'rifah) of the station of Wilayah, he rushed to the battlefield on the day of Ashura after the noon prayer and was martyred[15]. Habib ibn Muzahir al-Asadi (Companion / Great Successor): A prominent figure of Kufah and among the elite companions of the Ahl al-Bayt (AS) who, despite the stringent security measures imposed by Ibn Ziyad, reached the Husayni caravan in Karbala secretly by night and commanded the left flank of the Imam's army[16]. 'Ammar ibn Abi Salamah al-Hamdani (Companion): He was among those who attained the honor of meeting the Messenger of God (SAW) [17]. Following an unsuccessful attempt to execute an operation against Ibn Ziyad at the Nukhaylah encampment, he cleverly escaped the blockade of Kufah, joined the army of the Imam, and attained martyrdom during the initial assault on the Day of Ashura[18]. 3. Historical-Theological Analysis: The Possibility of Error Among Elites in the Prophetic Sunnah The non-participation of a segment of the Companions with Imam Husayn (AS) should not be viewed as an isolated historical event. Islamic tradition and narrations explicitly demonstrate that being a Companion does not automatically shield one from analytical errors or faltering during critical moments. An examination of the political conduct of certain Companions demonstrates that their passive and self-interested stance toward the uprising of Sayyid al-Shuhada (AS) was not a sudden occurrence; rather, it was rooted in a long-standing historical trend. Authentic Imami sources explicitly state that after the passing of the Prophet (SAW), the majority of the community diverged from the true Prophetic path, with only a faithful few remaining steadfast upon their covenant[19]. This bitter historical reality is clearly reflected not only in Shia heritage, but also in the most authentic Sunni narrative collections. In the famous traditions of the "Pond" (al-Hawd) recorded in early Hadith collections—including Sahih al-Bukhari—it is reported that on the Day of Resurrection, a group of Companions will be driven toward divine punishment. When the Prophet (SAW) inquires about the cause of their movement toward Hellfire, he is answered: "They turned back on their heels and reverted to ignorance after you." [20] Citing this narration serves as an analytical proof that the consensus or stance of certain Companions is not necessarily the benchmark of truth. Therefore, the self-preservation or non-participation of a portion of the elites in the tragedy of Ashura was a natural continuation of that same decline in discernment and the prioritization of worldly calculations over divine duties. In contrast, the true mujahidin, by adhering to their divine covenant, etched their names among the eternally triumphant in history. [1] . Ansab al-Ashraf, al-Baladhuri, vol. 3, p. 161; Tarikh al-Tabari, al-Tabari, vol. 4, p. 287. [2] . Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra, Ibn Sa'd, vol. 1, p. 444; Ansab al-Ashraf, al-Baladhuri, vol. 3, p. 163. [3] . Danishnamah-yi Imam Husayn (AS), Reyshahri, vol. 4, p. 420. [4] . Muthir al-Ahzan, Ibn Nama al-Hilli, p. 27. [5] . Al-Akhbar al-Tiwal, al-Dinawari, p. 246. [6] . Ansab al-Ashraf, al-Baladhuri, vol. 3, p. 165. [7] . Tarikh al-Tabari, al-Tabari, vol. 4, p. 286; Ansab al-Ashraf, al-Baladhuri, vol. 3, p. 161. [8] . Ansab al-Ashraf, al-Baladhuri, vol. 3, p. 162; Tarikh al-Tabari, al-Tabari, vol. 4, p. 287. [9] . Tarikh al-Tabari, al-Tabari, vol. 4, p. 286; Ansab al-Ashraf, al-Baladhuri, vol. 3, p. 161. [10] . Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra, Ibn Sa'd, vol. 1, p. 444. [11] . Kufah az Paydayish ta Ashura, Safari Foroushani, p. 213. [12] . Ibsar al-'Ayn fi Ansar al-Husayn, al-Samawi, p. 99. [13] . A'yan al-Shi'ah, al-Amin, vol. 3, p. 500. [14] . The event of al-Rohba refers to a number of the Companions testifying that they had heard the Hadith of Ghadir directly from the Messenger of God (PBUH). This event took place at the request of Imam Ali (AS). The number of those who provided testimony has been cited as ranging from 12 to 30 individuals. The event of al-Rohba is recorded in both Shia and Sunni sources. Al-Ghadir, Allamah al-Amini, Vol. 1, p. 193. [15] . Dhakhirat al-Darayn, a group of authors, pp. 477–478. [16] . A'yan al-Shi'ah, al-Amin, vol. 4, p. 554. [17] . Al-Isabah fi Tamyiz al-Sahabah, Ibn Hajar al-'Asqalani, vol. 5, p. 107. [18] . Manaqib Al Abi Talib, Ibn Shahrashub, vol. 3, p. 260. [19] . Al-Ikhtisas, Shaykh al-Mufid, p. 6. [20] . Sahih al-Bukhari, al-Bukhari, vol. 8, p. 121.

Was the Uprising of Imam Husayn (AS) a Rebellion Against the Ruler and Caliph of the Time? 1. Analysis of the Issue of "Rebellion Against the Ruler" and the Illegitimacy of Yazid's Caliphate The charge of "rebellion against the ruler of the time" (khuruj 'ala al-hakim) becomes relevant only when the ruler has assumed power through legitimate and legal Islamic means (such as public acceptance, a council of Muslims, or recognized Islamic criteria) and observes basic justice. In the case of Yazid ibn Mu'awiyah, these conditions were completely non-existent due to the following reasons: · Appointment Through Coercion and Threats: The imposition of Yazid upon the Islamic Ummah was neither based on the free choice of the people nor a council of Muslims. Rather, Mu'awiyah secured a forced allegiance for his son by resorting to threats[1], bribery of tribal leaders[2], and the political assassination of key opponents—including prominent figures such as Imam Hasan (AS) [3], 'Abd al-Rahman ibn Khalid[4], and Sa'd ibn Abi Waqqas[5]. · Overt Sinfulness and Depravity: Based on authentic historical texts, Yazid was an open wine-drinker[6] who engaged in public sinfulness and flagrant transgressions[7]. In his famous declaration, Imam Husayn (AS) completely nullified Yazid's personal qualification for leadership, stating: "And upon Islam be peace, if the Ummah is tested with a ruler like Yazid!" [8] Therefore, from both jurisprudential and rational perspectives, Yazid was not considered a "legitimate Caliph" in any sense for resistance against him to be categorized as "rebellion against the ruler" (baghy). Indeed, even Ahmad ibn Hanbal (the founder of the Hanbali school of jurisprudence) considered Yazid deserving of curse (la'n) [9]. 2. The Role of Imam Hasan's (AS) Peace Treaty in Delegitimizing Yazid's Rule The peace treaty signed between Imam Hasan (AS) and Mu'awiyah (in the year 41 AH) was a legally binding covenant. One of its key stipulations included the following: · Stipulation Against Appointing a Successor: Mu'awiyah had no right to appoint anyone as his successor, and after Mu'awiyah's death, the determination of governance was to be left to the council (shura) of Muslims[10]. By flagrantly violating this peace treaty[11] and exacting a forced oath of allegiance for Yazid[12], Mu'awiyah shattered all legal foundations of his own governance. Imam Husayn (AS), as the primary surviving party to the treaty and the leader of the Ummah, was not only under no obligation to accept Yazid's rule, but also had a religious and legal duty to stand against this usurpation of power and distortion of the Prophetic Sunnah. 3. Perspectives of Scholars Across the Islamic World on Opposing an Unjust Ruler Contrary to despotic and apologetic viewpoints that have attempted to prohibit any form of uprising against rulers, many prominent scholars and jurists across the Islamic world have held a different stance: · Jurisprudential Opinions of Sunni Scholars: Several prominent Sunni scholars (such as Ibn al-Jawzi and Ibn 'Aqil) deemed rising against a tyrannical ruler permissible under specific conditions, viewing the uprising of Imam Husayn (AS) as a clear example of combating oppression and a legitimate action against tyrannical rule[13]. Furthermore, the authorship of independent works in defense of Imam Husayn's (AS) status and in condemnation of Yazid's actions demonstrates a significant supportive trend among Sunni scholars regarding the movement of Ashura[14]. · Evidence from the Prophetic Sunnah and Narrations: Within Islamic teachings, remaining silent in the face of an oppressive ruler is severely condemned. As Imam Husayn (AS) declared, citing the Prophetic tradition: "Whoever sees a tyrannical ruler who permits what God has forbidden, breaks the covenant of God, opposes the Sunnah of the Messenger of God, and acts among the servants of God with sinfulness and aggression, yet does not rise up against him in word or deed, it is incumbent upon God to place him in the same entry as that tyrant." [15] Likewise, the Prophet Muhammad (SAW) stated: "When you see my Ummah terrified of telling an oppressor, 'You are an oppressor,' know that salvation has departed from them." [16] These narrations clearly delineate the social responsibility of the Ummah against political corruption and tyranny. 4. The Perspectives of the Umayyad School and the Imami (Shia) School on the Ashura Movement · In Imami Thought: Imamat holds a divine status, and the Imam, as the Proof of God (Hujjat Allah), is the ultimate criterion for discerning religion and guidance. Accordingly, the action of Imam Husayn (AS) was not merely a political reaction; it was the manifestation of fulfilling a divine duty by the Infallible Imam to preserve the core principles of religion against a structural deviation in governance. Numerous narrations testify to the obligation of obeying the Infallible Imams (AS) and the legal authority (hujjiyyah) of their words and deeds[17]. Consequently, the uprising of Ashura possesses complete religious authority and legitimacy for the followers of the Ahl al-Bayt (AS). Conclusion The uprising of Imam Husayn (AS) was by no means a "rebellion against a legitimate Caliph"; rather, it was a defensive and reformative reaction to the explicit violation of Imam Hasan's (AS) peace treaty, the hereditary usurpation of power by Yazid, and an effort to revive the Prophetic Sunnah and the obligation of enjoining good and forbidding evil. By refusing to pledge allegiance to a corrupt and tyrannical ruler, Imam Husayn (AS) prevented Umayyad despotism from establishing itself as the "standard of Islamic legitimacy" in history. [1] . Al-Futuh, Ibn A'tham al-Kufi, vol. 4, p. 337. [2] . Ibid., p. 331. [3] . Al-Ihtijaj, al-Tabarsi, Abu Mansur, vol. 2, p. 13; Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi al-Hadid, vol. 16, p. 29; Al-Irshad, Shaykh al-Mufid, vol. 2, p. 16. [4] . Usd al-Ghabah, Ibn al-Athir, 'Izz al-Din, vol. 3, p. 289; Al-Isti'ab fi Ma'rifat al-Ashab, Ibn 'Abd al-Barr, vol. 2, p. 830. [5] . Sharh Nahj al-Balaghah, Ibn Abi al-Hadid, vol. 16, p. 29. [6] . Tarikh Madinat Dimashq, Ibn 'Asakir, vol. 65, p. 403; Ibid., p. 406. [7] . Tarikh al-Khulafa', al-Suyuti, Jalal al-Din, vol. 1, p. 159; Ansab al-Ashraf, al-Baladhuri, vol. 5, p. 319. [8] . Maqtal al-Husayn, al-Khwarazmi, vol. 1, p. 268. [9] . Tafsir Ruh al-Ma'ani, al-Alusi, Shihab al-Din, vol. 13, p. 227. [10] . Kashf al-Ghummah fi Ma'rifat al-A'immah, al-Irbili, vol. 1, p. 533; Al-Futuh, Ibn A'tham al-Kufi, vol. 4, pp. 290–291. [11] . Imta' al-Asma', al-Maqrizi, vol. 5, p. 360. [12] . Al-Bidayah wa al-Nihayah, Ibn Kathir, vol. 8, p. 80. [13] . Al-Furu' wa Tashih al-Furu', Ibn Muflih, Shams al-Din, vol. 10, p. 180. [14] . Al-Radd 'ala al-Muta'assib al-'Anid al-Mani' min Dhamm Yazid, Ibn al-Jawzi, 'Abd al-Rahman ibn 'Ali, p. 12. [15] . Bihar al-Anwar, Allamah al-Majlisi, vol. 44, p. 328. [16] . Kanz al-'Ummal, al-Muttaqi al-Hindi, vol. 3, p. 71. [17] . Al-Kafi, Shaykh al-Kulayni, vol. 1, p. 180; Ibid., p. 186.

What was the objective of Imam Husayn's (AS) uprising, and did such a movement possess a divisive nature among the Islamic community? A meticulous examination of historical texts reveals that the attribution of "causing division and discord" to the uprising of Imam Husayn (AS) stems directly from the propaganda machinery of the Umayyad government. In autocratic political systems, the principle of "preserving unity and avoiding division" has consistently been exploited as an effective tool to suppress dissidents and ensure the survival of illegitimate regimes. As a documented example of this approach, when Marwan ibn al-Hakam (the governor of Medina) reported to Mu'awiyah in a letter that communications had been established between the people of Kufa and Imam Husayn (AS), and that these developments could lay the groundwork for anti-government protests, Mu'awiyah’s reaction aligned entirely with this justificatory discourse. In a cautionary letter to Imam Husayn (AS), he urged the Imam to refrain from disrupting the unity of the Islamic community and causing sedition (fitnah)—an approach whose primary objective was to legitimize the existing power structure and suppress any reformist movement under the guise of preserving public order.[1] This line of thought and tactical framework of the Umayyad government did not end in early Islamic history; its echoes have persisted among writers and researchers aligned with this school of thought up to the present day. Accordingly, some analysts and writers belonging to this intellectual current, in attempting to justify the tragedy of Ashura, have claimed that the troops confronting Imam Husayn (AS) took up swords not out of oppression and hostility, but based on ijtihad (independent legal reasoning) and with the intention of preserving societal unity. For instance, within the works of this intellectual current, it is argued that those who acted against the Imam (AS) did so in reliance upon traditions attributed to the Prophet Muhammad (SAW)—including warnings regarding those who seek to break the unity of the community or create discord within a united ummah—such as the tradition: "There will be tribulations and events in the future; so whoever intends to cause division in the affairs of this ummah while it is united, strike him with the sword, whoever he may be." Consequently, defenders of this perspective claim that opposing and fighting Imam Husayn (AS) was not driven by animosity toward him, but rather by the goal of preserving the unity of the Islamic community. [2] Such historical justifications are put forward while the fundamental cause and primary driver of Sayyid al-Shuhada’s (AS) movement was nothing other than a reaction to the imposition of a coercive oath of allegiance and the deprivation of his safety. Had the ruling apparatus not initiated such actions, the sacred presence of the Imam would never have left Medina, and the subsequent chain of events would not have unfolded. Therefore, the claim of "division" raised by proponents of this view is a deliberate disregard of the clear reality that the Imam’s departure was not an attempt to instigate sedition and division, but an unavoidable reaction against prevailing tyranny to safeguard the authentic essence of religion against the blatant threats of the caliphate. [3] In truth, it was this explicit threat to assassinate the Prophet’s (SAW) son and the insistence on forced allegiance that placed the ruling apparatus itself at the center of crisis and tension. Thus, accusing Imam Husayn (AS) of divisiveness is a clear projection of blame; for the primary source of the crisis was the tyrannical conduct of the rulers of the time and their threat to the life of the community’s leader, which inevitably provoked the Imam’s defensive and reformative response. [4] Historical documentation clearly demonstrates that tension-building and the creation of schisms within Islamic society originated from the tyrannical conduct of the government itself. Yazid ibn Mu'awiyah issued a decisive and explicit directive in a letter to al-Walid ibn 'Utbah, the governor of Medina: "When my letter reaches you, summon Husayn (AS) and Ibn al-Zubayr and take their allegiance for me; and if they refuse, strike off their heads and send them to me." The repetition of this threatening command and the insistence on forced allegiance constituted the primary factor behind insecurity and the crisis within Islamic society. [5] On the other hand, how could reason and religious law justify remaining silent in the face of such a ruler? Historians and researchers, in describing the nature of Yazid’s governance and character, have explicitly noted that his open consumption of wine, commission of prohibited acts (munkarat), and indecent behaviors were so flagrant that they alienated the general public and provoked widespread public outrage—to the extent that many rose up against him in revolt, and God placed no blessing in his life. [6] Every morning, he would wake up intoxicated, place a monkey on a saddled horse to ride around, and dress that animal and his servants in golden caps—so much so that when the monkey died, he grieved deeply over its death. Rising up against such a corrupt and destructive individual who endangered the very foundation of religion and the identity of the ummah was not an instigation of sedition, but the sole path to safeguarding the entity of Islamic society. [7] In addition to what has been stated, the principles and prophetic tradition (Sunnah) likewise reject any form of silence before such a corrupt ruler. It is narrated in an authentic tradition from the Prophet Muhammad (SAW) that he said: "Whoever sees a tyrannical ruler who permits what God has prohibited, violates God’s covenant, opposes the Sunnah of the Messenger of God, and treats the servants of God with sinfulness and aggression, yet does not stand up against him with action or speech, it is incumbent upon God to place him in the [degraded and punishing] station of that tyrant." [8] Beyond these considerations, a crucial point demands careful attention: What has been Islam’s criterion for avoiding discord and fragmentation within the Islamic community, and what does the pure religion recognize as the criterion and measure of unity? Islam never recognizes a unity born of silence in the face of oppression and compromise with corruption; rather, it defines true unity in light of adherence to divine principles. It is stated in a recurrent (mutawatir) narration from the Prophet Muhammad (SAW): "I am leaving among you two weighty and precious things: the Book of God, which is a cord stretched from heaven to earth, and my Progeny ('Itrah), my Ahl al-Bayt; these two will never separate from one another until they return to me at the Pool [of Kawthar]." [9] Accordingly, the axis of unity for the Islamic community is the Holy Quran and the Pure Progeny ('Itrah) (AS). The movement initiated by Sayyid al-Shuhada (AS) to revive the traditions of these two weighty treasures and rescue the ummah from the clutches of Umayyad tyranny was not divisive in the least; rather, it was a foundational endeavor to return society to the straight path of true unity anchored upon truth and justice. In light of this established principle, the Ahl al-Bayt (AS) are recognized as standing in parity with the Holy Quran and are never separated from it, just as the Prophet (SAW) introduced them as the counterpart (‘adl) of the Quran. Consequently, when Almighty God declares in the Holy Quran, (And hold firmly to the rope of Allah all together and do not become divided) [10], the true intended meaning of this divine rope is the Quran and the Ahl al-Bayt (AS). Just as many prominent Sunni exegetes have interpreted the "rope" (habl) as the Holy Quran when explaining this noble verse[11], so too, given the recurrent tradition of the Two Weighties (Thaqalayn) and the inseparable bond between the Quran and the Progeny, adherence to the Ahl al-Bayt (AS) and support for the reformative movement of Sayyid al-Shuhada (AS) for the preservation of religion is identical to holding fast to the Quran and the firm divine rope. Therefore, resorting to this divine principle and rising up against the deviations of the ruling establishment is by no means an instance of division; rather, it is a genuine effort to realize the unity of the ummah in light of the Word of God and the Sunnah of the Progeny. Given the noble Hadith al-Thaqalayn and the inseparable connection of the Progeny with the Quran, the Ahl al-Bayt (AS) have always stood alongside the Quran as the supreme manifestation of God's firm rope (al-Habl al-Matin). Based on this, Imam Husayn (AS) himself constituted the very axis of unity for the ummah, and failing to accompany him while remaining silent before an unjust government amounted in reality to abandoning the firm divine rope and causing genuine division and fracture within the body of the Islamic community. Furthermore, Sayyid al-Shuhada (AS) himself, in explicitly outlining the objectives of his movement in a letter to his brother Muhammad ibn al- Hanafiyyah, described the nature of his uprising as follows: "I have not left [Medina] out of insolence, vanity, corruption, or oppression; rather, I have set out solely to seek reform in the ummah of my grandfather. I intend to enjoin what is good and forbid what is evil, and to act in accordance with the conduct of my grandfather, the Messenger of God, and my father, Ali ibn Abi Talib." [12] Accordingly, the uprising of Sayyid al-Shuhada (AS) possesses by no means a divisive nature; rather, its inner reality and core essence consist of the revival of religion, the safeguarding of the prophetic tradition, the reform of the Islamic ummah, and the return of society to the straight path of genuine unity founded upon truth and justice. [1] . Ansab al-Ashraf, al-Baladhuri, vol. 3, p. 152. [2] . Al-'Awasim min al-Qawasim (Saudi Awqaf edition), Ibn al-'Arabi, p. 232. [3] . Al-Bidayah wa al-Nihayah, Ibn Kathir, vol. 8, p. 162. [4] . Al-Futuh li-Ibn A'tham, Ibn A'tham, vol. 5, p. 18. [5] . Tarikh al-Ya'qubi, Ahmad ibn Abi Ya'qub, vol. 2, p. 241. [6] . Tarikh al-Islam (Bashar edition), al-Dhahabi, Shams al-Din, vol. 2, p. 585. [7] . Al-Bidayah wa al-Nihayah, Ibn Kathir, vol. 8, p. 235. [8] . Al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh, Ibn al-Athir, Abu al-Hasan, vol. 3, p. 159. [9] . Siyar A'lam al-Nubala, al-Dhahabi, Shams al-Din, vol. 8, p. 101. [10] . Ali 'Imran: 103. [11] . Tafsir al-Qurtubi, al-Qurtubi, Shams al-Din, vol. 4, p. 159. [12] . Bihar al-Anwar, Allama al-Majlisi, vol. 44, p. 329.

How is the Event of Mubahalah Expressed from the Sunni Perspective? The Event of Mubahalah, rooted in Verse 61 of Surah Al-'Imran,[1] represents a major turning point in early Islamic history and a key event in establishing the truth of Islam against Christian theology. This event transpired when a delegation of Christians from Najran arrived in Medina to discuss the teachings of the Prophet (SAW). After declining Prophet's logical arguments, they agreed to the Prophet's proposal of Mubahalah (invoking Divine curses upon the liar). An examination of Sunni sources demonstrates that the historical occurrence of this event is definitive and beyond doubt; however, scholarly discourse centers on its semantic implications and theological-political significance. Analysis of the Sunni Approach to Mubahalah In authoritative Sunni sources, the event of Mubahala is examined from two perspectives: the narrative aspect (establishing the occurrence of the event) and the theological aspect (interpreting the status of the Ahl al-Bayt). 1. Narrative Authenticity in Authoritative Sources: Sunni scholars affirm the authenticity of this event by recording its narrations across their primary Hadith and Exegesis (Tafsir) literature. For example, in Sahih Muslim and Sunan al-Tirmidhi, it is narrated on the authority of Sa'd ibn Abi Waqqas that when the Verse of Mubahalah was revealed, the Prophet (SAW) called Ali, Fatima, Hasan, and Husayn (AS) and declared: “ALLAHUMMA HA'ULA'I AHLI” (O Allah! These are my family). [2] This tradition is widely transmitted across numerous other Sunni works as well. [3] Consequently, from a historical and narrative standpoint, Sunni scholarship harbors no doubt regarding the exclusive presence of these four figures at the site of Mubahalah. As the prominent Sunni exegete Fakhr al-Din al-Razi explicitly notes regarding the authenticity of this narration: “This narration is virtually agreed upon among the scholars of exegesis and Hadith.” [4] 2. Theological Analysis of the Station of the Ahl al-Bayt (AS) in Sunni Thought: The divergence between Shia and Sunni perspectives rests not upon the fact of their presence, but on the theological designation and implications of that presence: · Virtue and Honor, Not Necessarily Imamate: From the viewpoint of Sunni commentators and theologians, the presence of Ali (AS), Fatima (SA), Hasan (AS), and Husayn (AS) demonstrates that they were the most virtuous, pure, and beloved individuals to the Prophet (SAW) during that era, chosen by him as "representatives of Islam's truth" for a critical religious challenge. [5] Nevertheless, Sunni scholars maintain that this does not automatically imply political Wilayah, immediate succession, or divine Imamah in the specific Shia sense, but rather highlights their exalted personal piety, purity, and distinction. Al-Alusi addresses this distinction in Ruh al-Ma'ani. [6] Interpretation of the Term “ANFUSANA”: Unlike the Shia view, which interprets the expression “ANFUSANA” (ourselves) in the verse as denoting the ontological equivalence and equality of Ali (AS) with the Prophet (SAW), Sunni commentators interpret the phrase metaphorically or as an expression of close affinity. They define it as "close relatives, co-religionists, or the special kin of the Prophet (SAW)," rather than complete parity in all attributes of Prophethood and Guardianship. [7] Conclusion In summary, from the Sunni perspective, the Event of Mubahalah is a monumental occasion in which the "veracity of the Prophet (SAW)" was inextricably linked with the "virtue and honor of the Ahl al-Bayt (AS)." Sunni scholars view this event as a means of establishing the truth of Islam against Christianity, while simultaneously serving as a grand manifestation of the elevated rank of the Prophet's household. Although a theological divergence exists regarding the nature of this superiority (whether it denotes Divine Guardianship and Imamate, or personal virtue, honor, and piety), there remains complete consensus between both schools regarding the historical reality of the event, its grandeur, and the exclusive presence of these four noble personalities at Mubahalah. [1] . Al-'Imran: 61 «فَمَنْ حَاجَّكَ فِيهِ مِنْ بَعْدِ مَا جَاءَكَ مِنَ الْعِلْمِ فَقُلْ تَعَالَوْا نَدْعُ أَبْنَاءَنَا وَأَبْنَاءَكُمْ وَنِسَاءَنَا وَنِسَاءَكُمْ وَأَنْفُسَنَا وَأَنْفُسَكُمْ ثُمَّ نَبْتَهِلْ فَنَجْعَلْ لَعْنَتَ اللَّهِ عَلَى الْكَاذِبِينَ» [2] . Sahih Muslim, Muslim ibn al-Hajjaj, Vol. 4, p. 1871 / Sunan al-Tirmidhi, Muhammad ibn 'Isa al-Tirmidhi, Vol. 5, p. 225. [3] . Tafsir al-Alusi (Ruh al-Ma'ani), Shihab al-Din al-Alusi, Vol. 2, p. 182/ Musnad Ahmad, Ahmad ibn Hanbal, Vol. 2, p. 277/ Tarikh Dimashq, Ibn 'Asakir, Vol. 24, p. 16/ Imta' al-Asma', al-Maqrizi, Vol. 5, p. 386/ Usd al-Ghabah, Ibn al-Athir, Vol. 4, p. 87/ Al-Sunan al-Kubra, al-Bayhaqi, Vol. 7, p. 101. [4] . Mafatih al-Ghayb (Tafsir al-Kabir), Fakhr al-Din al-Razi, Vol. 8, p. 247. [5] . In Sunni literature, this tradition and similar ones are categorized under "Qur'anic Virtues of the Ahl al-Bayt"; see, for example: Ahl al-Bayt (AS) wa Huququhum al-Shar'iyyah, Salih ibn 'Abd Allah al-Darwish, p. 11, under the chapter "Their Virtues in the Qur'an". [6] . Ruh al-Ma'ani, Shihab al-Din al-Alusi, Vol. 2, p. 181: "واستدل بها الشيعة على أولوية علي كرم الله تعالى وجهه بالخلافة بعد رسول الله صلّى الله عليه وسلم ...." [7] . Tafsir al-Zamakhshari (Al-Kashshaf 'an Haqa'iq Ghawamid al-Tanzil), al-Zamakhshari, Vol. 1, p. 369/ Ruh al-Ma'ani, Shihab al-Din al-Alusi, Vol. 2, p. 181.

How is the Event of Mubahalah Expressed from the Shia Perspective? 1. The Semantics of Mubahalah The word Mubahalah originally derives from the root b-h-l (rhyming with ahl), which means to release, abandon, or leave unattended. For this reason, when an animal is left to itself and its udder is not tied in a pouch to prevent its offspring from drinking, that animal is called bahil. Similarly, ibtihal in supplication means humble entreaty and entrusting one's affairs entirely to God.[1] At times, this term has also been defined as destruction, curse, and banishment from God, which likewise stems from leaving the servant to themselves and their removal from under the shadow of Divine grace. [2] However, in its commonly understood concept as referenced in the verse, Mubahalah means two individuals or two groups invoking curses upon one another. In this manner, when logical arguments yield no result, the debating parties gather in one place concerning a vital religious matter, supplicate humbly to God, and beseech Him to expose and punish the liar—just as the Prophet of Islam (SAW) did when facing the Christians of Najran. [3] 2. Divine Selection and the Companions of the Prophet (SAW) Mubahalah was not a mere theological debate, but a "Divine Selection" at the most critical historical juncture in Medina. After the delegation of Najran reached a deadlock in their dialogue with the Prophet (SAW) regarding the nature of Jesus (AS), the Verse of Mubahalah was revealed so that truth could be distinguished from falsehood. [4] The significance of this event in Shia theology lies in the fact that the Prophet (SAW) chose neither the companions, nor his wives, nor the elites of Quraish, but solely the most exalted members of his family for this Divine encounter. This choice serves as a practical exposition of the worthiness for succession and Imamate (Imamah), as emphasized repeatedly in narrative and exegetical sources. [5] On the 24th of Dhu al-Hijjah, [6] the Messenger of Allah (SAW) set out toward the place of Mubahalah while holding the hand of Ali ibn Abi Talib, accompanied by Fatima, Hasan, and Husayn (AS). The Prophet (SAW) said: "These are our sons, our women, and ourselves." The Christians of Najran intended to engage in Mubahalah; however, Abu Harith (the Bishop of Najran) said to Sayyid and 'Aqib (two prominent leaders of Najran): "By God, by engaging in Mubahalah with this group, we will achieve no result [and we shall perish]; therefore, make peace with him on the condition of paying jizyah." They replied: "O Abu Harith, you have spoken the truth." Thus, they presented the proposal of peace and payment of jizyah to the Messenger of Allah (SAW), and he accepted it. The Prophet (SAW) then stated: "By Him in Whose hand is my soul, had [the Christians] engaged in Mubahalah with me, God would have sent down a torment upon them before the year passed, and not a single human being among them would have remained on earth, for in that case, God would have destroyed the transgressors." (It is worth noting that this narration is also recorded in authoritative Sunni scholarly sources, such as Al-Hakim al-Haskani in Shawahid al-Tanzil). [7] 3. Theological Implications of the Verse (Ontological Equivalence and the Exclusivity of the Ahl al-Bayt) The fundamental point in this event is the use of the word “ANFUSANA” (ourselves) in the noble verse referring to Ali ibn Abi Talib (AS), placing him as the "self/soul of the Prophet (SAW) himself." Great commentators, such as Ayatollah Makarem Shirazi in Tafsir Nemoneh, maintain that through this verse, Almighty God showcased the grandeur of the Prophet's Ahl al-Bayt (AS), [8] and the Prophet bringing the Ahl al-Bayt to the arena of Mubahalah serves as a practical testimony that God never rejects the supplication of these Five (Ahl al-Kisa). Furthermore, in light of the narrations recorded on this subject, the term "Ahl al-Bayt of the Prophet (SAW)" refers specifically to these very individuals who accompanied him on the day of Mubahalah. As reported in a narration, the Holy Prophet (SAW) himself addressed the Divine Presence saying: “اللَّهُمَّ إِنَّ هَؤُلَاءِ أَهْلُ بَيْتِي” (O Allah! Indeed, these are my Ahl al-Bayt). [9] Conclusion Ultimately, the event of Mubahalah extends far beyond a mere historical occurrence; it is the manifestation of truthfulness of the Ahl al-Bayt (AS) in the Divine Presence. The conscious choice made by the Prophet (SAW) from among the entire Ummah designated these Five as the closest souls and the paramount witnesses to the Prophetic mission. The word “anfusana” in the Verse of Mubahalah reveals a profound theological reality: the unbreakable bond and essential ontological equivalence of Amir al-Mu'minin (AS) with the soul of the Prophet (SAW). By establishing the true reference of "Ahl al-Bayt" (AS) and emphasizing the power of their accepted prayers, this event constructed an unassailable argumentative foundation for their supreme status as the Divine Elect. Consequently, this incident became an enduring benchmark distinguishing the elevated station of the Ahl al-Bayt (AS) from all other companions, proving that Guardianship (Wilayah) is a reality in which "closeness in faith, purity, and soul" takes precedence over any other bond. [1] . Al-Mufardat Fi Gharib Al-Qur'an, Al-Raghib Al-Isfahani, vol. 1, p. 63. [2] . Al-Kashshaf 'an Haqa'iq Ghawamid al-Tanzil, Al-Zamakhshari, Vol. 1, p. 368. [3] . Payam-e Qur'an, Makarem Shirazi, Naser, Vol. 9, p. 230. [4] . Majma al-Bayan fi Tafsir al-Qur'an, Al-Shaykh al-Tabarsi, vol. 2, p. 762. [5] . Ihqaq al-Haq and Iqhaq al-Batil, al-Tostari, al-Qadi Noorullah, vol. 3, p. 46 / Majma al-Bayan fi Tafsir al-Qur’an - Ta al-Alami, Sheikh al-Tabarsi, vol. 2, p. 311. [6] . Misbah al-Mutahjjad, Al-Sheikh al-Tusi, p. 764. [7] . Shawahid al-Tanzil li-Qawa'id al-Tafdheel, Al-Hakim al-Haskani, Vol. 1, p. 157. [8] . Tafsir Nemoneh, Makarem Shirazi, Naser, Vol. 2, p. 582. [9] . Ala' al-Rahman fi Tafsir al-Qur'an, Al-Shaykh Muhammad Jawad al-Balaghi, Vol. 1, p. 291.

Were the Soldiers Coming from Kufa to Fight Imam Husayn (AS) Shia? Is It True That the Shia Martyred Their Imam for Financial Gain and Ubayd Allah's Bribes? To understand whether the troops of Kufa at Karbala were Shia and whether the Shia killed their Imam for financial gain, one must examine the social structure of Kufa, the political climate of that era, and the composition of Umar ibn Sa'd's army. Kufa in 60 AH was not a monolithic Shia society, but rather a tribal city with diverse and often conflicting groups; Sharif al-Qurashi detailed and analyzed these tribes individually in Hayat al-Imam al-Husayn (AS). [1] Many true Shia had been suppressed, exiled, or killed by the Umayyad regime in the years leading up to Ashura. [2] 1. Demographics of Kufa and the Composition of Umar ibn Sa'd's Army Kufa was a city composed of various Arab tribes, mawali (non-Arab clients), warriors, new converts to Islam, and various other groups. Intense tribal factionalism ran rampant among them; in this regard, Ibn Abi al-Hadid writes that toward the end of Imam Ali's (AS) rule, corruption had become widespread among the people of Kufa who belonged to numerous tribes. A person from his own tribe's quarter would walk into the homes of another tribe and loudly call out to his tribe to incite strife, saying, for instance, "O Nakha'! O Kindah!" The members of the tribe where he was shouting would swarm him and beat him. He would then return to his own tribe for support, leading them to draw swords against each other and spark civil conflict. [3] In such a city, the devoted Shia of the Ahl al-Bayt constituted only a small fraction of the population; many tribes harbored Uthmanic or Umayyad leanings, while others were completely indifferent. Therefore, being a "Kufan" was not equivalent to being a "Shia." [4] Historical sources state that Umar ibn Sa'd's army was formed of various contingents that joined him daily from Kufa. Al-Baladhuri writes that under Ibn Ziyad's orders, groups of twenty, thirty, fifty, and one hundred men were dispatched daily from Kufa toward Umar ibn Sa'd's army.[5] This army was assembled through financial inducements, threats, and security pressures exerted by Ubayd Allah ibn Ziyad. He bought off the tribal leaders with money and promises of government offices, leaving the common people—who were subordinate to their tribal chiefs—with no choice but to follow. It is also worth mentioning that Umar ibn Sa me's army included soldiers from Syria, meaning not all troops were from Kufa. Shaykh al-Saduq narrates in Al-Amali that the forces under the command of the enemies of God, Sinan ibn Anas and Shimr ibn Dhi al-Jawshan, included a group of Syrian people. [6] 2. The Status of the True Shia in Kufa During the eras of Amir al-Mu'minin (AS) and Imam Husayn (AS), the people of Kufa fell into two categories: Shia in the General Sense: A broad term applied to those who, during the events of early Islam—particularly after the assassination of the third caliph, Uthman ibn Affan—supported Ali's (AS) caliphate and combined this support with criticism of Uthman's conduct, even if they did not believe in the divine, immediate Imamate (Nass) of Ali (AS) and his descendants. On this basis, even many who accepted the caliphs prior to Ali (AS) (Sunnis) were referred to as "Shia" out of affection for the Ahl al-Bayt (AS). [7] Shia in the Specific Sense: Applied to followers of the Shia school of thought in contrast to the followers of Sunni Islam; these were those who believed in the divine, immediate Imamate of Ali (AS) and his descendants after the Noble Prophet (SAW). [8] The dedicated Shia loyal to the Ahl al-Bayt (AS) were under severe oppression in the years leading up to Ashura, and the most destitute of people at that time were the people of Kufa. Mu'awiyah appointed Ziyad ibn Sumayyah as governor of Kufa while simultaneously placing Basra under his command. Ziyad aggressively hunted down the Shia. He knew them personally, as he had been among the supporters of Imam Ali (AS) during his caliphate. Thus, he tracked them down wherever they were and executed them, threatened them with death, or expelled them from Iraq to the extent that no prominent Shia remained in Iraq. [9] Consequently, the specific Shia never participated in Umar ibn Sa'd's army, as many of them had been killed prior to the tragedy of Ashura—such as Hani ibn Urwah[10]—while others were held in Ibn Ziyad's prisons, such as Mukhtar al-Thaqafi. [11] In other words, the specific Shia were either alongside the Imam in his army and ultimately attained martyrdom, were imprisoned and besieged by Ubayd Allah and Yazid, or arrived at Karbala after the tragedy had already taken place. 3. The Role of Financial Bribes and Worldly Promises Ubayd Allah ibn Ziyad, fully aware of Kufa's tribal dynamics, coerced the tribal leaders into compliance with worldly inducements. For instance, when Ubayd Allah ordered Umar ibn Sa'd to prepare to confront and fight Imam Husayn (AS), Umar initially refused. Ubayd Allah then told him to forfeit his appointment as governor of Rayy. Umar requested a night to deliberate, and after the granted period, yielded out of fear that the governorship of Rayy would be confiscated, agreeing to stand against and fight Imam Husayn (AS). [12] The common people, dependent on their tribal chieftains, either joined the army or remained silent out of fear for their lives and property. Imam Husayn (AS), addressing the Kufans in Umar ibn Sa'd's army, said: "Whoever disobeys my command shall be among the destroyed; and all of you have disobeyed my command and closed your ears to my words. Your sustenance has been tainted with the unlawful (Haram), and your bellies are filled with the unlawful; hence, God has sealed your hearts. Woe unto you! Will you not pay heed? Will you not listen?" [13] This narration from Imam Husayn (AS) serves as clear testimony that the Umayyad regime, possessing a deep understanding of Kufa's tribal structure, deployed "poisoned economics" and financial temptation as the most effective tool to neutralize the camp of truth. By accusing Umar ibn Sa'd's army of feeding on the unlawful, the Imam (AS) unveiled the reality that Ibn Ziyad's worldly promises were not merely bribes, but a "dehumanizing" process targeting the Kufans' discernment, insight, and even spiritual hearing. In fact, this narration proves that the livelihood dependence of society's populace on state-salaried tribal leaders forged a chain of fear and greed so absolute that their collective conscience was entirely blocked against illicit gifts. Consequently, it was not the clear word of the Proof of God (Hujjat Allah), but merely the preservation of worldly interests that became their guiding compass, ultimately dragging them from standing with the truth to becoming pawns in their own moral collapse. Conclusion Based on authoritative historical evidence, the troops of Kufa who were present at Karbala were not the "Shia of Imam Husayn (AS)"; rather, they were a composite of diverse tribes, regime forces, and coerced individuals. The true Shia were either imprisoned, executed, or forcibly prevented from being present. Thus, the claim that "the Shia killed their Imam for money" is a historical distortion incompatible with the social and political realities of Kufa. [1] . Ḥayāt al-Imām al-Ḥusayn (AS), al-Qurashī, al-Shaykh Bāqir Sharīf, vol. 2, p. 436. [2] . Al-Iḥtijāj, al-Ṭabarsī, vol. 2, p. 17. [3] . Sharḥ Nahj al-Balāghah, Ibn Abī al-Ḥadīd, vol. 13, p. 167. [4] . Raftār-shināsī-ye Mardom-e Kūfe dar Nahżat-e Ḥosaynī, Shaykhiyān, ‘Alī, p. 8. [5] . Ansāb al-Ashrāf, al-Balādhurī, vol. 3, p. 179. [6] . Al-Amālī, al-Shaykh al-Ṣadūq, p. 226. [7] . Tarikh-e Tashayyu' dar Iran az Aaghaz ta Tulu'-e Dawlat-e Safawi, Jafarian, Rasool, pp. 21–22 / Simay-e 'Aqa'id-e Shi'ah, Subhani, Ja'far, (Trans. Javad Muhaddithi), p. 22. [8] . Al-Milal wa al-Nihal, Al-Shahrastani, Muhammad ibn 'Abd al-Karim, Vol. 1, p. 169. [9] . Sharḥ Nahj al-Balāghah, Ibn Abī al-Ḥadīd, vol. 11, p. 44. [10] . Murūj al-Dhahab wa Ma‘ādin al-Jawhar, Mas‘ūdī, ‘Alī ibn Ḥusayn, vol. 3, p. 55. [11] . Ansāb al-Ashrāf, al-Balādhurī, vol. 6, p. 377. [12] . Biḥār al-Anwār, al-‘Allāmah al-Majlisī, vol. 44, p. 384. [13] . Maqtal al-Ḥusayn, Khwārazmī, vol. 2, p. 9.

Based on primary and reliable Shia sources, could you state the precise age, the manner of martyrdom, and the blessed name of Ali al-Asghar, the son of Imam Husayn (AS)? To properly examine and understand this issue, it is necessary to analyze multiple historical sources. An exploration of these sources reveals points such as the existence of disagreement regarding the exact age, the manner of martyrdom, and the noble name of this child. Nevertheless, what is evident in all sources (even Sunni sources) and constitutes their common ground is the presence of a nursing infant of Imam Husayn (AS) who was martyred with utter cruelty. Just as in Ziyarat al-Nahiya al-Muqaddasa, where the phrase "Peace be upon the young nursing infant" (أَلسَّلامُ عَلَی الرَّضیعِ الصَّغیرِ) is used to greet him[1]; a fact that in itself is clear testimony to his injustice and righteousness. Regarding the exact age of this child, it must be said that a specific date of birth is not available, and some sources have been content with merely mentioning his name[2]. Abu Mikhnaf recorded his age as six months, while the author of Rawdat al-Safwa considered his age to be one year. Nevertheless, from authentic evidence and reports, it is clearly evident that this precious gem of the pearl of Imamate and Wilayah was in the period of infancy[3]. A noteworthy point is that the report regarding six months of age is not found in another version of Abu Mikhnaf's martyrdom account[4]; therefore, his exact age remains in a state of ambiguity. Regarding his noble name as well, there is disagreement among the sources. In some historical reports, his name is recorded as "Abdullah"; as Sheikh Mufid narrates: "Abdullah ibn Husayn was killed in childhood along with his father; while he was in his father's lap, an arrow struck him and he was martyred"[5]. In al-Tabari's history as well, he is referred to by the same name[6]; on the other hand, historians such as al-Khwarazmi[7] and Ibn Shahr Ashub[8] have mentioned his name as "Ali." Regarding the nature and manner of the martyrdom of this nursing infant as well, two narrations have been transmitted. The first view holds that his martyrdom took place in front of the tents. Sayyid ibn Tawus, accepting this view, narrates the event as follows: "Then Imam Husayn (AS) went towards the tent and said to Lady Zaynab (SA): 'Give me my little son so that I may bid him farewell.' Then he took him and bent down to kiss him when suddenly Harmala ibn Kahil al-Asadi — may the curse of God be upon him — shot an arrow towards him. The arrow struck the infant's neck and slaughtered him. The Imam said to Zaynab: 'Take him,' then he gathered his blood in his hands, and when it was full, he sprinkled it into the sky and said: 'What befalls me is sweet to me, for it is before the eyes of God'"[9]. The second narration states that the Imam brought the child to the field and in front of the enemy army; as stated in historical reports: "When Husayn (AS) saw that the enemies were insistent on killing him, he took a Quran, opened it, placed it on his head, and called out: 'Let the Book of God and my grandfather Muhammad, the Messenger of God, judge between me and you. O people! By what authority do you consider my blood lawful?!' Then he went towards one of his children who was crying from extreme thirst, lifted him onto his hand, and said: 'O people! If you do not have mercy on me, have mercy on this child.' At that moment, a man among them shot an arrow towards him and slaughtered him. Husayn (AS) was weeping and saying: 'O God! Judge between us and this people who invited us to help them but killed us.' At that moment, a call came from the sky: 'O Husayn! Leave him, for he has a wet nurse in Paradise'"[10]. The final and noteworthy point is the possibility of more than one child of Imam Husayn (AS) having been martyred in the event of Karbala; such that from the totality of historical narrations, such an indication is derived. Muhammad ibn Talha al-Shafi'i, in mentioning the children of Sayyid al-Shuhada (AS), considers them to be six sons (Ali Akbar, Ali Awsat, Ali Asghar, Abdullah, Ja'far, and Muhammad) and writes: "But Ali Asghar, while he was no more than a child, was struck by an arrow and was martyred... and also Abdullah (another son of the Imam) was martyred along with his father"[11]. In al-Ya'qubi's narration as well, it is stated: "The companions of Husayn (AS) advanced one after another and were martyred until he was left alone. While he was on horseback, a newborn infant, who had been born at that very moment, was brought to him. The Imam whispered the adhan in his ear and wiped his mouth when suddenly an arrow came, struck the child's neck, and slaughtered him. The Imam pulled the arrow from his neck and smeared his blood on the child's body"[12]. In another report, it is stated: "Husayn (AS) was sitting... and arrows were raining down from his left and right. A three-year-old boy was in front of the Imam when Uqba ibn Bashir al-Asadi shot an arrow towards him and he was martyred[13] ... Also, another child of the sons of Husayn (AS) ran to sit in his father's lap when a man shot an arrow and the arrow struck the hollow of his neck and he was killed"[14]. Conclusion An examination of numerous historical sources indicates that although there are disagreements regarding the name (Ali or Abdullah), the exact age (six months old, one year old, or a newborn), and the location of martyrdom (in front of the camp or on the battlefield) of this young child, and some reports even suggest the possibility of more than one child having been martyred, the very occurrence of this event is absolutely certain and a matter of fact. All sources are in agreement on this truth: that Imam Husayn (AS) had a nursing infant who was martyred with utmost injustice and cruelty; a clear proof of the injustice and the righteousness of Imam Husayn (AS). [1] . Al-Mazar al-Kabir, al-Mashhadi, Sheikh Abu Abdullah, p. 498. [2] . Tarikh al-Tabari = Tarikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk, al-Tabari, Abu Jafar, Vol. 5, p. 468. [3] . From Medina to Medina (Martyrdom Account), Zahiri Tehrani, Sayyid Muhammad Jawad, p. 682. [4] . Encyclopedia of Imam Husayn Based on the Quran, Hadith and History, Mohammadi Ri-Shahri, Muhammad, Vol. 7, p. 33. [5] . Al-Irshad, Sheikh Mufid, Vol. 2, p. 135. [6] . Tarikh al-Tabari = Tarikh al-Rusul wa al-Muluk, al-Tabari, Abu Jafar, Vol. 5, p. 468. [7] . Maqtilat al-Husayn, al-Khwarazmi, Vol. 2, p. 37. [8] . Manaqib Ali Abi Talib, Ibn Shahr Ashub, Vol. 4, p. 109. [9] . Al-Luhuf ala Qutla al-Tuffuf, Sayyid ibn Tawus, p. 116. [10] . Tadhkirat al-Khawas, Subhi ibn al-Jawzi, p. 227. [11] . Matlub al-Sa'il fi Manaqib Ali al-Rasul, al-Nasibi al-Shafi'i, Muhammad ibn Talha, p. 257. [12] . Tarikh al-Ya'qubi, Ahmad ibn Abi al-Ya'qub, Vol. 2, p. 245. [13] . Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra – Tamimm al-Sahaba, Ibn Sa'd, Vol. 1, p. 470. [14] . Ibid., p. 471.

To what extent are the narrations regarding ghusl on the night or Day of Ashura historically authentic, and if so, do they contradict the reports of the caravan’s thirst? The question of "water and thirst" in the event of Ashura is one of the most significant historical and emotional themes in Shia narratives. Alongside numerous and mutawatir (mass-transmitted) reports about the thirst of Imam Husayn (AS) and his Ahl al-Bayt, certain narrations speak of the Imam (AS) and his companions having performed ghusl on the night or morning of Ashura. These two sets of narrations may appear contradictory at first glance, but a textual and historical examination reveals that this apparent contradiction can be reconciled. 1. Textual Credibility of the Bathing Narrations on Ashura According to the investigations of hadith scholars, the narrations regarding the ghusl of Imam Husayn (AS) on the night or morning of Ashura do not possess authentic and definitive chains of transmission, nor are they reported clearly and reliably in the ancient Ashura sources such as Maqtal al-Abi Mikhnaf, al-Irshad, or Ansab al-Ashraf. In historical analyses, the only definitive matter is the siege of water and the Imam’s thirst at the moment of martyrdom.[1] The reports about bathing have weak chains of transmission and cannot be ranked alongside the mutawatir reports concerning thirst. [2] Hadithological research demonstrates that until the morning of Ashura a small quantity of water remained in the tents, and the reports of severe thirst relate specifically to the noon of Ashura and the peak of the battle. [3] 2. Does Bathing Contradict the Reports of Thirst? Even if we accept the bathing narrations as authentic, several points resolve any apparent contradiction: Ghusl does not require abundant water; it can be performed with a very small quantity. The intensification of the water siege was gradual. It is plausible that on the night or morning of Ashura limited access to water still existed, while by noon the thirst had reached its peak. The water used for ghusl may have been unfit for drinking; that is, drinkable water may have been reserved for the children, while non-potable water was used for washing. Reliable historical sources also indicate that the closure of the Euphrates on the 7th of Muharram does not mean the absolute absence of water in the tents; rather, a small amount of water remained until the morning of Ashura. [4] 3. Mutawatir Reports of Thirst The reports concerning the thirst of the Imam (AS) and his companions are mutawatir and definitive, drawn from both Shia and Sunni sources, the ziyarat texts, and the narrations of the Prophet (SAW) and the Imams (AS). Examples include: - The thirst of Ali Akbar (AS): "The thirst has killed me." [5] - The movement of Abu al-Fadl al-Abbas (AS) to fetch water. [6] - The address of Hurr to the people of Kufa regarding the deprivation of Imam Husayn (AS), along with his women and children, from the waters of the Euphrates. [7] This extensive body of narrations confirms the certainty of the thirst, and its historical weight far exceeds that of the bathing reports. Conclusion Based on a textual and historical examination, the narrations concerning the bathing and washing of Imam Husayn (AS) and his companions on the night or morning of Ashura are not authentic and definitive, and cannot be ranked alongside the mutawatir reports regarding the thirst of the Imam (AS), his Ahl al-Bayt, and companions. Nevertheless, even if we assume these narrations to be authentic, there exists no real contradiction with the reports of thirst; for the use of a small quantity of water, the difference in the intensity of the water blockade during the siege, or the use of non-potable water can reconcile both sets of narrations. Thus, the credible historical picture remains that Imam Husayn (AS) and his companions were martyred with parched lips at the noon of Ashura, and the bathing narrations — if accepted — merely indicate the presence of a limited amount of water in the hours before the battle. [1] . Bihar al-Anwar, Allama al-Majlisi, vol. 45, p. 56. [2] . Article: "A Hadithological Analysis of the Narrations on Water and Thirst in Ashura", Mohsen Refaat and Sayyid Zia al-Din Ali Ansab, pp. 11–12. [3] . Ibid., p. 21. [4] . Ibid., p. 14. [5] . Bihar al-Anwar, Allama al-Majlisi, vol. 45, p. 43. [6] . Ibid., p. 41. [7] . Al-Irshad, al-Shaykh al-Mufid, vol. 2, p. 100.

Could the weather in Karbala in mid-October 680 AD have caused the severe, agonizing thirst described in historical accounts of the Battle of Karbala? Based on astronomical studies and the correspondence of lunar and solar calendars, the date of the event of Ashura and the martyrdom of Imam Husayn (AS) corresponds to October 12, 680 AD (20 Mehr of the year 59 Solar Hijri). [1] However, due to the use of a conventional calendar (mean crescent) in long-term calculations and the accumulation of the difference between the moon and the sun over several decades, there is a possibility of a difference of one to two days between this calculated date and the actual date. The examination of historical evidence also confirms that the time of Imam Husayn's (AS) presence in Karbala, contrary to popular belief, was not in the middle of summer. The timeline of this event can be reconstructed based on the following reports: 1. The timing of the Kufans' correspondence: In the letters that reached the Imam in Mecca, the people of Kufa had written: "The gardens have become green and the fruits have ripened; so whenever you intend, come toward us, for an army stands ready awaiting you." [2] This description indicates that the writing and dispatch of these letters took place in late spring or early summer. 2. The movement of Muslim (ibn Aqil): On the other hand, it is reported that Muslim hired two guides from the tribe of Qays; they lost their way during the night, became lost in the morning's disorientation, and were overcome by intense thirst and heat. [3] This account indicates that at the time of Muslim's movement toward Kufa, the weather was turning hot and the summer season had begun. Considering the time interval between Muslim's movement and the dispatch of the Sayyid al-Shuhada's (AS) caravan toward Iraq, one can conclude that the Imam's arrival in Karbala occurred in early autumn. Regarding the air temperature of Karbala during the period of the Sayyid al-Shuhada's (AS) stay, there is no direct and explicit report available; however, some implicit reports suggest heat during those days. Among such indications is a report related to the days before Ashura and the period of the Imam's caravan being besieged by the army of Umar ibn Sa'd. Sa'd ibn 'Ubayda says regarding this: "Due to the heat of the weather, I had entered the water along with Umar ibn Sa'd [to cool off]; at that moment, a man came and whispered to Umar ibn Sa'd that Ibn Ziyad had sent Juwayriyah ibn Badr and ordered that if you show any slackness in the matter of battle, he will strike off your neck." [4] This implicit report clearly demonstrates that the air temperature on those days was high enough that the commander of the enemy's army had taken refuge in the water to escape the heat and seek comfort. Furthermore, in another report pertaining to the days when water was cut off from Ahl al-Bayt (AS), reference is made to the rising trend of the air temperature during the day; it has been narrated: "The situation became difficult for the Imam, his loyal companions, and his honored Ahl al-Bayt; the companions went to seek water but returned empty-handed; therefore, spirits became grieved, hearts were broken, and souls withered. Gradually, the day passed and the weather grew hotter and hotter until the time of zawal (noon) arrived, the sun stood over the meridian, and the heat of the air reached its maximum intensity." [5] This precise description indicates that as noon approached, the air temperature reached its peak, and this very factor drastically reduced the threshold of endurance of those suffering from thirst. Based on this, one can understand that during the days of siege and the cutting off of water, the Imam's caravan faced the unbearable heat of midday. However, it must be noted that there is no explicit report indicating that "the heat of the weather" was the main cause of the extreme thirst on the Day of Ashura; on the contrary, evidence exists showing that this excessive thirst resulted from other factors. For example, regarding Ali Akbar (AS), who experienced intense thirst, it is recorded that he, while bearing numerous wounds on his body, said to his noble father: "O father! Thirst has brought me to my knees, and the heaviness of weaponry and iron armor has worn me out; is there a way to obtain even a sip of water so that I may gain strength against the enemies?" [6] Based on this, one can conclude that the primary cause of the heart-rending thirst of the Imam's companions was, in the first instance, the prohibition of access to water, and in the second instance, intense military activity (heavy armor and high mobility) and severe blood loss resulting from wounds; for, from a medical standpoint, blood loss (hypovolemia) and hemodynamic disorders are directly linked to the stimulation of the sensation of thirst and intense dehydration. [7] On the other hand, in some reports concerning the clothing of the Sayyid al-Shuhada (AS) at the moment of martyrdom, certain points are mentioned that can serve as another strong indication that the weather on the Day of Ashura was not intensely hot. In a narration from the noble book Al-Kafi, it is stated: "Husayn ibn Ali (AS) was martyred while wearing a jubbah (long garment) of khazz dakna' (dark or grey khazz); later, on his purified body, sixty-three marks were found from sword strikes, spear wounds, and arrow impacts"[8]. Also, in another historical report, it is mentioned that after the martyrdom of the Imam, Qays ibn Ash'ath plundered the Imam's qatifah (cloak or mantle), which was also made of khazz. [9] For a more precise elucidation of the concepts of khazz, jubbah, and qatifah, an examination of the views of lexicographers will be illuminating: Khazz: Lexicographers have provided various definitions for this word; in the first definition, the well-known khazz is a type of fabric woven from wool and silk, and wearing it is permissible, as it has been reported that some Companions and Successors (Tabi'un) also used such garments. [10] In another description, al-khazz is identified as the name of a four-legged aquatic animal, similar to a fox, that grazes on land and dives into water, and clothing is woven from its wool or fur. It has also been reported from Ibn Fereshta in his commentary on Majma' that khazz is the wool of a sea-sheep, and in hadith it has been mentioned that these are the same as beavers. Nevertheless, the well-known khazz is essentially the garments woven from wool and silk. [11] Jubbah: Regarding its meaning, it has been said that it is a long, lined garment formed by joining pieces of fabric together. [12] Qatifah: Lexicographers, in explaining qatifah, have said that it is a garment or covering that is fluffy (having nap or pile). [13] Although the aforementioned lexical definitions do not explicitly point to the seasonal nature of these garments, there exists a narration concerning the clothing of Imam Sajjad (AS) that confirms the use of khazz in the cold seasons; in this report it is stated: "Imam Sajjad (AS) would wear two garments in summer, which he would purchase for five hundred dinars; but in winter, he would wear a garment of mutarrif khazz (a type of precious and soft fabric), and with the arrival of summer, he would sell it for fifty dinars and give the proceeds in charity".[14] In explaining the term mutarrif, lexicographers have stated that mutarrif is a square (four-cornered) garment made of khazz upon which there are designs, symbols, or emblems. [15] Although, considering the variety of khazz garments, from the hadith of Imam Sajjad (AS) one can only infer the winter nature of the "mutarrif" type of it, yet taking into account the general nature of khazz fabric—which, according to the definitions, was either made from the skin of an animal similar to a fox (beaver) or woven from nap and silk—one can conclude that garments made from this material were generally intended for weather other than the scorching heat of the Arabian and Iraqi summer. This indication supports that the climate on the day of Ashura was more temperate than summer. Citing historical and long-term data from reputable global climate organizations—such as NASA (the MERRA-2 project), the World Meteorological Organization (WMO), and station-based data repositories such as Time and Date and WeatherSpark—over the past forty years shows that the temperature conditions of Karbala in the second half of the month of Mehr (corresponding to the timeframe of October 10, 680 AD) are as follows: the average maximum temperature is 34 degrees Celsius; the average minimum temperature is 20 degrees Celsius. Based on this, over the course of these forty years, there have been instances where the air temperature on the twentieth of Mehr was close to 40 degrees. [16] Now, it must be said that although the average temperature of the twentieth of Mehr over these forty years would not be considered a comfort temperature, it must be said that given the tropical climate and the disposition of the Arab people of that era, it would not have been regarded as "intense and unbearable heat." On the other hand, although Imam Husayn (AS) wore a khazz garment, since the style of his clothing differed from the "winter mutarrif" of Imam Sajjad (AS), one can understand that the structure of that jubbah and qatifah was compatible with an autumn temperature inclined toward warmth (around 35 degrees) and was at the very least not suitable for intense and scorching summer heat. Air temperature is only one of the stimuli of thirst, and considering these indications, it likely did not play a central and independent role in producing that intense thirst on the Day of Ashura. In fact, the prohibition of access to water, heavy military activity, the heaviness of combat equipment (armor and helmet), and severe blood loss resulting from wounds are the definitive and physiological causes of the heart-rending thirst of the Husayni caravan. Ultimately, it must be said that establishing the air temperature of Karbala in the range below 40 degrees cannot by any means, serve as a logical or reasonable argument for rejecting or undermining the reality of the thirst of Ahl al-Bayt (AS) on the Day of Ashura. [1] . www.britannica.com/biography/al-Husayn-ibn-Ali-Muslim-leader-and-martyr / Center for Astronomical Studies and Research / (To perform calculations, the user goes to the "Settings" section of the system and sets the start date in solar terms as 15/07/59 and the end date as 22/07/59. After registering the desired time period and selecting the "Calculate" option, the system automatically calculates the solar and lunar equivalent of the entered date and reports its correspondence with the occasion of Ashura.) [2] . Mustadrakat 'Ilm Rijaal al-Hadith, al-Namazi al-Shahrudi, al-Shaykh Ali, vol. 4, p. 197. [3] . Maqtal al-Husayn, al-Muqarram, al-Sayyid Abd al-Razzaq, p. 146. [4] . Az Madinah ta Madinah (Maqtal), Dhahni Tehrani, Sayyid Muhammad Jawad, p. 377. [5] . Ibid., p. 361. [6] . Maqtal al-Husayn, al-Khwarazmi, vol. 2, p. 35. [7] . Regulation of Thirst, Simon N. Thornton. [8] . Al-Kafi, al-Shaykh al-Kulayni, vol. 6, p. 452. [9] . Al-Malhuf 'ala Qatla al-Tufuf, al-Sayyid ibn Tawus, p. 178. [10] . Lisan al-Arab, Ibn Manzur, vol. 5, p. 345. [11] . Majma' al-Bahrayn, al-Turayhi al-Najafi, Fakhr al-Din, vol. 1, p. 641. [12] . Taj al-Arus, al-Zabidi, Murtada, vol. 2, p. 119. [13] . Al-Nihaya fi Gharib al-Hadith wa al-Athar, Ibn al-Athir, Majd al-Din, vol. 4, p. 84. [14] . Makarim al-Akhlaq, al-Tabarsi, Radi al-Din, vol. 4, p. 84. [15] . Shams al-'Ulum, al-Himyari, Nashwan, vol. 7, p. 55. [16] . NASA website, (According to the NASA website, all the days of forty years have been examined, and the temperature of each day has been individually recorded. This table can be given to an artificial intelligence so that it provides only the air temperature of October 12 for each year. In this way, we will have a more concise table of the air temperature of October 12 over the past forty years. Enter the following coordinates for the city of Karbala: latitude: 32.62, longitude: 44.03)

Does the Marriage of Lady Zaynab's (S) Daughters to the Umayyads Indicate Cordial Relations Between Ahl al-Bayt (AS) and the Umayyads? Among certain historical doubts, it is claimed that the marriage of Lady Zaynab's (S) daughters to members of the Umayyad dynasty indicates cordial and intimate relations between Ahl al-Bayt (AS) and the Umayyads. At first glance, this claim appears to be a political inference drawn from family relations; however, to reach a correct judgment, one must consult authoritative historical sources and determine whether such marriages actually occurred, and if so, what their nature was. 1. The Children of Lady Zaynab (S) According to reliable sources, Lady Zaynab (S) married Abdullah ibn Ja'far and had five children: Ali, 'Awn, Abbas, Muhammad, and Umm Kulthum.[1] With slight variation in another account, Ja'far al-Akbar, Ali, 'Awn al-Akbar, Abbas, and Umm Kulthum[2] are mentioned as her children. Therefore, Lady Zaynab's (S) only daughter was Umm Kulthum, who has drawn historical attention because of Mu'awiya's proposal of marriage for her to his son Yazid. [3] 2. The Story of Mu'awiya's Proposal for Umm Kulthum According to certain reports, Mu'awiya ibn Abi Sufyan attempted to marry the daughter of Abdullah ibn Ja'far to his son Yazid; however, through the intervention and prudent action of Imam Husayn (AS), this scheme failed, and he married the lady to Qasim ibn Muhammad ibn Ja'far—a matter we shall discuss further. Regarding the precise identity of this lady, there is disagreement among historical texts; some sources identify her as "Umm Kulthum," the daughter of Zaynab Kubra (S), [4] while others refer to her as "Zaynab," the daughter of Umm Kulthum[5] (which apparently both references refer to the same person). However, the essence of the story of Mu'awiya's proposal for his son is as follows: he wrote to Marwan ibn al-Hakam to propose Umm Kulthum, the daughter of Lady Zaynab (S), on behalf of Yazid. Abdullah ibn Ja'far stated that the decision regarding the daughter rested with Imam Husayn (AS). Marwan presented this proposal as "a means of reconciliation between Banu Hashim and Banu Umayya," but Imam Husayn (AS) firmly rejected the proposal and stated: "Our enmity with Banu Umayya is based on divine interests and cannot be bargained away for worldly interests." [6] This account demonstrates that Mu'awiya's proposal was a political act aimed at legitimacy-building, not a sign of cordial relations. 3. The Actual Marriage of Umm Kulthum According to historical sources, Umm Kulthum married Qasim ibn Muhammad ibn Ja'far ibn Abi Talib. Her husbands after Qasim have been identified as: Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, Aban ibn Uthman ibn Affan, [7] and Khalid ibn Yazid ibn Mu'awiya. [8] The sources do not mention Yazid as a husband of Umm Kulthum. 4. The Marriage of Umm Kulthum to Hajjaj ibn Yusuf Thaqafi First, it must be understood that the occurrence of such marital ties never implies acceptance of or legitimacy-granting to the inhumane conduct and violent approaches of these oppressive factions; for in many cases, these marriages took place under duress and threat. In reality, the Prophet's Household (SAW) always resisted such forced marriages with all their might. As an example, when Mu'awiya proposed Umm Kulthum for his son, Abdullah delegated the decision-making to Imam Husayn (AS); he, in turn, to prevent this marriage from taking place, immediately married her to his cousin Qasim ibn Muhammad ibn Ja'far. Nevertheless, after Qasim's death, Hajjaj ibn Yusuf, relying on force and threats, attempted to impose the marriage. Furthermore, examination of historical and hadith documents demonstrates that the marriage of individuals such as Umm Kulthum to Hajjaj ibn Yusuf was not an ordinary union, but rather the direct product of pressure, intimidation, and desperation in order to safeguard the lives of the Alawis. In fact, the Umayyad rulers, by imposing these marriages followed by purposeful divorces, sought—in addition to exerting psychological pressure on the Prophet's Household—to undermine their social standing among the Shia, and also to acquire a false legitimacy in the eyes of the devotees of Ahl al-Bayt (AS). As an example, reports in hadith sources indicate that the primary motive of Hajjaj ibn Yusuf behind this forced union was the murder of that Alawid lady—a matter that placed Abdullah ibn Ja'far in a dire and fearful situation. According to a narration that Ibn Abi Rafi' transmitted from Abdullah, he advised his daughter to recite a particular transmitted supplication (one that the Prophet (s) would utter in times of grief) to avert Hajjaj's evil and put his mind at ease. Historical sources emphasize that this measure proved effective, and Hajjaj divorced her before achieving his wicked objective. [9] Historical evidence indicates that Khalid ibn Yazid (the former suitor of this lady), through consultation and behind-the-scenes efforts with Abdul Malik, persuaded him to issue the divorce order to Hajjaj, and thus this ill-fated union was brought to an end. [10] Conclusion Through examination of historical narrations concerning the life of Umm Kulthum bint Abdullah ibn Ja'far, it can be understood that the family ties between the Alawis and the Umayyad rulers (including Mu'awiya and Hajjaj) were political instruments used by the Umayyads, who sought through these marriages to create a false balance and undermine the social standing of the Prophet's Household (s). The Alawis, through prudence and resistance (such as Imam Husayn's (AS) action in marrying her to Qasim), endeavored to prevent these ties from becoming instruments for dishonor or physical elimination. Therefore, these marriages were not signs of cordiality, but rather reflections of pressures, political confrontations, and efforts to safeguard the life and dignity of the Prophet's Household during times of crisis. [1] . Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra, by al-Waqidi (Ibn Sa'd), vol. 8, p. 340. [2] . Al-Ma'arif, by al-Dinawari (Ibn Qutayba), vol. 1, p. 207 / Ansab al-Ashraf, al-Baladhuri, vol. 2, p. 67. [3] . Al-'Awalim, Imam al-Husayn, by al-Bahrani, Shaykh Abdullah, p. 87. [4] . Ansab al-Ashraf, by al-Baladhuri, vol. 5, p. 142 / Mu'jam al-Buldan, by al-Hamawi (Yaqut), vol. 1, p. 469. [5] . Al-Jalis al-Salih al-Kafi wa al-Anis al-Nasih al-Shafi, by al-Ma'afi ibn Zakariya, p. 107. [6] . Al-ʿAwālim: Al-Imām al-Ḥusayn, Al-Baḥrānī, Sheikh ʿAbd Allāh, p. 87 / Manāqib Āl Abī Ṭālib, Ibn Shahrāshūb, Vol. 3, p. 199 / Biḥār al-Anwār, Al-ʿAllāmah al-Majlisī, Vol. 44, p. 207. [7] . Al-Ma'arif, by al-Dinawari, Ibn Qutayba, vol. 1, p. 207 / Nasab Quraysh, by al-Zubayri, Mus'ab ibn Abdullah, p. 82 / Ansab al-Ashraf, al-Baladhuri, vol. 2, p. 68. [8] . Al-Kamil fi al-Lugha wa al-Adab, by al-Mubarrad, Muhammad ibn Yazid, vol. 1, p. 273. [9] . Musnad Ahmad, by Ahmad ibn Hanbal, vol. 3, p. 285. [10] . Tarikh Dimashq, by Ibn Asakir, vol. 12, p. 125.

Do the narrations that say Yazid regretted killing Imam Husayn (AS), or that Imam Husayn (AS) wanted to go to Yazid, prove that the conflict between them was not really that significant? Following the event of Ashura, various political and religious currents in the Muslim world attempted to downplay or even deny Yazid's role in the martyrdom of Imam Husayn (AS). One of the tools employed by these currents was the transmission of narrations about Yazid's remorse or the Imam's proposals for going to him. Historical examination shows that these narrations were largely formed within the framework of Umayyad "exculpatory writing" and by certain Sunni writers and are not consistent with reliable historical evidence. 1. Yazid's Remorse: Reality or Narrative Fabrication? In reliable historical sources, after the martyrdom of Imam Husayn (AS), Yazid attempted to shift responsibility onto Ubaydullah ibn Ziyad; in one of the historical reports this matter is recorded as follows: After the Muslims severely condemned that oppressor for killing the fragrance of the Messenger of Allah (SAW), he expressed regret for this matter and sought to place the guilt of that crime upon the son of Marjana. He kept saying: "What would have been wrong with me had I endured hardship and kept him (Husayn) in my household and allowed him to do as he wished, even though this would have brought me criticism and weakened my authority, in order to preserve the sanctity of the Messenger of Allah (SAW) and respect his right and kinship? May Allah curse the son of Marjana, for by killing him, he made me an enemy among the Muslims and sowed enmity toward me in their hearts, for both the righteous and the wicked among the people hold me in enmity because of the significance of Husayn's killing among them. What have I to do with the son of Marjana? May Allah curse him and be wrathful upon him."[1] The prevailing presumption is that he said this in order to exonerate himself before the Muslims; had he truly been remorseful from the heart, he would have taken revenge upon him. He would have removed him from his position. He would not have thanked him, nor would he have granted him generous gifts and brought him close to himself, which testifies to his satisfaction and lack of remorse over what he had committed. [2] Furthermore, Abdolrahim Ghanavat and Mostafa Gohari Fakhr-Abad explicitly state in their research article that Yazid's remorse was more of a "political reaction" aimed at preserving his caliphal position, not an admission of error or a sign of rapprochement with Imam Husayn (AS). [3] 2. The Narration of the Imam's Request to Go to Yazid Some historical sources, such as the Tarikh al-Tabari, claim that Imam Husayn (AS), in conversation with Umar ibn Sa'd, put forward three proposals, one of which was to go to Yazid. [4] However, a careful examination of these reports shows: This narration lacks strong documentation, and in those very same sources, a narrator close to the Imam (Uqbah ibn Qays) explicitly states that the Imam (AS) never made such a statement. [5] 3. The Fundamental Conflict Between the Imam and Yazid Based on reliable sources, Imam Husayn's (AS) conflict with Yazid was not a simple political disagreement, but a doctrinal and moral one: Imam Husayn (AS) considered Yazid to be a sinful and unworthy person to lead the Muslim community; in this regard, Imam Husayn (AS) states: (One must bid farewell to Islam) if the community is afflicted with a ruler such as Yazid, I have heard from my grandfather, the Messenger of Allah (SAW), who said: "The caliphate is unlawful for Abu Sufyan." So, if you see Muawiyah on my pulpit, split open his belly. The people of Medina saw him on the pulpit but did not split open his belly, so Allah afflicted them with Yazid the sinful. [6] He characterized pledging allegiance to Yazid as approval of oppression and deviation from Islam, and for this reason he said: I did not rise out of rebellion, self-display, corruption, or tyranny, but rather to reform the community of my grandfather. I wish to enjoin good and forbid evil, and to follow the way of my grandfather and my father Ali ibn Abi Talib. [7] In letters and sermons attributed to Imam Husayn (AS), concepts such as the discourse of reform in opposition to the dominion and rule of Yazid are evident; in one of his sermons, Imam Husayn (AS) said regarding Yazid's government: O people! The Messenger of Allah said: Whoever sees a tyrannical ruler who permits what Allah has forbidden, breaks the covenant of Allah, opposes the Sunnah of the Prophet, and deals with Allah's servants through sin and aggression, and does not stand against him through action or speech, it is befitting of Allah to place him in the same station to which that unjust ruler proceeds. [8] This profound conflict fundamentally eliminated any possibility of reconciliation or rapprochement. Conclusion The expression of Yazid's remorse and the narrations regarding the Imam's proposal to go to him not only do not confirm the hypothesis that the differences between the two were minor, but upon examining reliable sources it becomes clear that these reports were largely fabricated by currents after Ashura in order to exonerate Yazid. The conflict between Imam Husayn (AS) and Yazid was a deep-rooted, doctrinal, and political one that never reached the level of reconciliation, and the uprising of Ashura was shaped precisely upon the foundation of this very confrontation. [1] . Tarikh al-Tabari, al-Tabari, Ibn Jarir, vol. 5, p. 506. [2] . The Life of Imam Husayn (AS), Baqir Sharif Qurashi, vol. 3, pp. 380-381 / Ashura: Roots, Motivations, Events, Consequences, Makarem Shirazi, Naser, vol. 1, p. 613. [3] . The Article "The Responsibility of Yazid in the Event of Karbala and the Martyrdom of Imam Husayn (AS)", Abdolrahim Ghanavat, Mostafa Gohari Fakhr-Abad. [4] . Tarikh al-Tabari, al-Tabari, Ibn Jarir, vol. 5, p. 413. [5] . Ibid., p. 414. [6] . Maqtal al-Husayn, al-Muqrami, al-Sayyid Abdolrazzaq, p. 132. [7] . Maqtal al-Husayn, al-Khwarizmi, vol. 1, p. 273. [8] . Tarikh al-Tabari, al-Tabari, Ibn Jarir, vol. 5, p. 403 / Maqtal al-Husayn, al-Khwarizmi, vol. 1, p. 335.

Why Did Imam Husayn (AS) Not Use Camel Milk to Quench His Thirst? The issue of thirst in the event of Ashura is one of the most definite and prominent historical realities, a reality extensively recorded in reliable historical, literary, and supplicatory sources. The question of whether the presence of milking camels in the caravan could have prevented the onset of thirst requires a careful examination of historical sources and an analysis of the actual conditions on the battlefield of Karbala. 1. Historical Reports About the Thirst of Husayn's Caravan All reliable historical sources—from the early Maqatil (martyrdom accounts) to later works—agree on one point: the army of Umar ibn Sa'd cut off water from Imam Husayn's (AS) caravan from the seventh of Muharram (three days before the martyrdom) and left no means of access to water. This matter is explicitly stated in numerous historical reports.[1] 2. Were Alternative Resources Such as Camel Milk Available? None of the reliable historical sources mention that Imam Husayn (AS) or his companions used camel milk to relieve their thirst. Historical research also confirms that no such report exists in reliable sources. 3. Historical and Logical Reasons for the Impossibility of Using Camel Milk A) The Number of People in the Caravan and the Limitation of Camel Milk Early historical sources such as Tarikh al-Tabari, [2] reports from Shaykh al-Mufid, [3] and others report[4] the water blockade and severe thirst of Imam Husayn's (AS) caravan in Karbala. [5] Given the presence of men, women, and children in this caravan, even the existence of several milking camels could not have fully met the hydration and nutritional needs of this population under siege conditions. B) Wartime and Siege Conditions The main problem of thirst was not the absence of alternative resources; it was the complete blockade of water. The enemy army even prohibited the digging of wells, and historical reports show that after Ibn Ziyad learned of the Imam's attempt to dig a well, he issued orders to prevent it. [6] C) The Absence of Any Historical Record of Camel Milk Being Used Despite the high level of precision with which historians recorded the details of the Ashura event, there is no report of camel milk being used. This historical silence indicates that such a possibility either did not exist or was practically not viable. 4. Water Supply Until the Ninth of Muharram Some reliable sources, such as Ibn A'tham[7] and Khwarizmi, [8] have reported that Imam Husayn (AS) had been supplying water by digging wells before the siege intensified, but after the enemy's prohibition, severe thirst began. [9] Conclusion In light of historical evidence, the presence of milking camels could not have prevented the severe thirst of Imam Husayn's (AS) caravan, because the thirst resulted from a complete water blockade, not from a lack of alternative resources. The limited capacity of camel milk, the large number of people in the caravan, the wartime conditions, and the absence of any historical record of such use all demonstrate that this hypothesis is historically and logically untenable. The thirst of Ashura is an absolute and documented reality in reliable sources, and no historical report denies it by suggesting the existence of alternative resources. [1] . Tarikh al-Tabari, al-Tabari, Ibn Jarir, vol. 4, p. 312 / al-Akhbar al-Tiwal, al-Dinawari, Abu Hanifa, p. 255 / al-Kamil fi al-Tarikh, Ibn al-Athir, Izz al-Din, vol. 4, p. 53, etc. [2] . Tarikh al-Tabari, al-Tabari, Ibn Jarir, vol. 5, p. 412. [3] . Al-Irshad, al-Shaykh al-Mufid, vol. 2, p. 86. [4] . Tajarib al-Umam wa Ta'aqub al-Himam, Ibn Miskawayh, vol. 2, p. 70. [5] . Maqatil al-Talibiyyin, Abu al-Faraj al-Isfahani, p. 78. [6] . Al-Futuh, Ibn A'tham, vol. 5, p. 91. [7] . Ibid. [8] . Maqtal al-Husayn, al-Khwarizmi, vol. 1, p. 346. [9] . Al-Irshad, al-Shaykh al-Mufid, vol. 2, p. 86.

What is meant by the Event of Ghadir Khumm? Before delving into the Event of Ghadir Khumm, it is necessary to clarify what "Ghadir Khumm" means in lexicographical sources. Ibn Durayd states: "Khumm" is the name of a well-known pond (Ghadir means pond), and it is there that the Prophet (SAW) stood and delivered a sermon regarding the virtues of Amir al-Mu'minin, Ali ibn Abi Talib (AS).[1] Ibn Athir, in his book, states: "Ghadir Khumm" is a location between Mecca and Medina, where there is a flowing spring, and the Prophet (SAW) performed prayers there; [2] Yaqut al-Hamawi, who was an inquisitive traveler and geographer, under the entry "Ghadir Khumm," states: It is the name of a place where a famous water reservoir is located. [3] Al-Juhari writes in Sihah: "Ghadir Khumm" is the name of a place between Mecca and Medina in the region of Juhfah. [4] Al-Firuzabadi states: "Ghadir Khumm" is the name of a place three miles from Juhfah, situated between the two Holy Shrines (Mecca and Medina). [5] The Event of Ghadir is among the significant and enduring events in Islamic history, shining like a bright star in the sky of this great religion. It has always been a subject of attention and discussion among Muslims, particularly among scholars, historians, and theologians. This historical occurrence not only holds a prominent position in terms of time and place but also regarding its messages, implications, and religious and social effects. For this reason, throughout various centuries, diverse viewpoints and interpretations have emerged regarding it, and each intellectual current has endeavored to interpret and explain this event in accordance with its theological foundations and its own reading of Islam. Nevertheless, the core of the Ghadir event, based on historical reports, unfolded as follows: The Noble Prophet (SAW), in the tenth year of the Hijra, set out to perform the pilgrimage to the House of Allah and called people to Hajj. This pilgrimage has been recorded under various names: Hajjat al-Wada (Farewell Pilgrimage), Hajjat al-Islam (Pilgrimage of Islam), Hajjat al-Balagh (Pilgrimage of Proclamation), Hajjat al-Kamal (Pilgrimage of Perfection), and Hajjat al-Tamam (Complete Pilgrimage). On the 25th of Dhu al-Qi'dah, four or five days before Dhu al-Hijjah, the Prophet (SAW) left Medina with the intention of performing Hajj. At that time, due to the public announcement, a large number of people had arrived in Medina and joined the Prophet (SAW) on his journey to Hajj. The Prophet (SAW) placed all his wives and members of his household in howdahs (covered litters) and set out for Hajj with his entire family, while a massive host of Arab tribes, Muhajirun (Emigrants), and Ansar (Helpers) moved with him. [6] On the 4th of Dhu al-Hijjah, the Prophet (SAW) entered Mecca. The number of attendees at this pilgrimage has been cited as ranging from forty thousand to one hundred and fourteen thousand people. [7] After performing the rites of Hajjat al-Wada and on the return journey to Medina, on the 18th of Dhu al-Hijjah in the tenth year of the Hijra, in a region between Mecca and Medina named Juhfah, beside a pond that later became known as Ghadir Khumm, he stopped. [8] This location, due to its specific geographical position, was considered one of the important and strategic points on the route of Hijazi caravans. The Prophet (SAW) ordered the Muslims who were with him to gather, forming that great assembly; such that those present and accompanying the Prophet (SAW) on that day witnessed one of the most important sermons in Islamic history. After performing the prayer, the Prophet (SAW) delivered a sermon. In this speech, while reminding Muslims of their religious and ethical responsibilities, he emphasized the importance of adhering to values such as trustworthiness, integrity, loyalty, good conduct, and respecting the rights of others. Furthermore, in a significant portion of his speech, he introduced and praised the status of Imam Ali (AS), reminding people of his outstanding virtues and characteristics. Subsequently, he uttered that famous and historical statement: "For whomever I am his Mawla, Ali is his Mawla. O Allah, love whoever loves him and be an enemy to whoever opposes him." [9] This statement, as one of the most significant expressions cited in the Event of Ghadir, has received extensiv e attention throughout Islamic history and has been analyzed from various theological, historical, and doctrinal perspectives. This event has been regarded as a clear indicator of the appointment of Imam Ali (AS) as successor and leader, although some others, with different interpretations, have proposed other meanings for it. Nonetheless, what is certain is that Ghadir Khumm is not merely a simple historical event; rather, it is a fateful incident in Islamic history whose message has remained alive and influential in the thought and culture of Muslims to this day. [1] . Jamharat al-Lughah, Ibn Durayd, Vol 1, p.108. [2] . Al-Nihayah fi Gharib al-Hadith wa al-Athar, Ibn al-Athir, Abu al-Sa'adat, Vol 2, p.81. [3] . Mu'jam al-Buldan, al-Hamawi, Yaqut, Vol 2, p.389. [4] . Al-Sihah: Taj al-Lughah wa Sihah al-Arabiyyah, al-Juhari, Abu Nasr, Vol 5, p.1916. [5] . Al-Qamus al-Muhit, al-Firuzabadi, Majd al-Din, p.1104. [6] . Al-Tabaqat al-Kubra, Ibn Sa'd, Vol 2, p.130. [7] . Al-Sira al-Halabiyya = Insan al-Ayun fi Sira al-Amin al-Ma'mun, al-Halabi, Nur al-Din, Vol 3, pp.361. [8] . Al-Fusul al-Muhimma fi Ma'rifat al-Imama, al-Maliki al-Makki, Ali ibn Muhammad ibn Ahmad, Vol 1, p.237. [9] . Manaqib Ali, Ibn al-Maghazli, p.44.

Is Istighatha (Seeking Help) Shirk? Why? Seeking help (Istighatha: asking for assistance during sorrow, grief, pain, and hardship[1]) from the Saints of Allah, Prophets, and Imams (AS) is not considered Shirk. The nature of this act is "turning to intermediaries authorized by Allah," not worshipping them as independent entities. The main reasons for this are: 1. Emphasis in the Quran on "Allah’s Permission": The Holy Quran explicitly states that the miracles and extraordinary deeds of chosen servants occur only "BY ALLAH’S PERMISSION" (B'IZNILLAH). For example, Jesus (AS) healed the blind and lepers and resurrected the dead, yet he explicitly clarified that he performed these acts by Allah’s permission. [2] This qualifier indicates that the ultimate effective power belongs to Allah alone, and the Saints are merely channels of grace and instruments for the realization of divine will. Therefore, when we ask of them in this manner ("by Allah’s permission"), we have, in fact, affirmed Monotheism. [3] 2. The Quranic and Historical Pattern: In the Quran itself, seeking help and intercession from righteous servants is considered a natural and legitimate act. A prominent example is the request of Joseph’s (AS) brothers from their father Jacob (AS), using the phrase "O our father, ask forgiveness for us".[4] This verse demonstrates that seeking spiritual aid and intercession from pious humans is not only not Shirk, but is also accepted within the religion of Islam. Additionally, narrations such as the request for healing from the Holy Prophet (SAW) by a blind person indicate the legitimacy of this act in religious sources. [5] 3. Correct Understanding of the Unity of Actions and the System of Causes: Monotheism is not limited to the Unity of Allah’s Essence; it also includes "Unity in Lordship and Creativity," meaning there is no effective agent in the universe except by Allah’s allowance. [6] Allah has created the world such that matters are realized through "causes" (intermediaries). Just as the growth of a plant depends on sunlight and rain (but they are not the creators of the plant, rather they are causes), in spiritual matters, forgiveness and salvation require causes such as repentance, righteous deeds, and the intercession of Allah’s Saints. Intercession is a form of "legislative causality" for salvation, which does not contradict Monotheism, as both are realized by Allah’s permission. [7] The main challenge in the discussion of Istighatha (seeking help) is the confusion between the "Causer of Causes" and the "causes." Critics of Istighatha assume that any attention to other than Allah amounts to ignoring Allah’s power. However, in a profound theological view, the universe is a system that Allah has willed to be managed through causes (material or spiritual). [8] 4. Trustworthy Power and Obedience to the Divine Command: Imam Ali (AS), in response to a question regarding the independence of human power, stated that human power and ability are a divine trust that Allah grants to or withdraws from His servants. [9] The Saints of Allah are also executors and trustees of these trusts. Thus, their intercession is a manifestation of obedience to the Divine Command and a utilization of the capacity Allah has established for them. 5. The Doctrinal Boundary Between Istighatha and Shirk: The fine line between Shirk and Istighatha lies in the "worldview" and "inner belief" of the person seeking help. This boundary is drawn based on two different assumptions: Shirk-like State (Attributing Independence): If a person seeks help from a Prophet or a Saint of Allah while believing that said revered personality possesses power that is "intrinsic," "independent," and "parallel to Allah," capable of altering destiny without Allah’s permission, this act is Shirk. This perspective is the very essence of pre-Islamic Shirk, which regarded idols as partners of Allah and attributed independent efficacy to other than Allah. Monotheistic State (Proximity and Obedience): In this assumption, which is the main viewpoint of the School of the Ahl al-Bayt (AS), Istighatha means turning to "causes of proximity." In this view, the Saint of Allah is like a mirror that reflects Allah’s light. Just as we need oxygen and water (material causes) to survive, while simultaneously acknowledging Allah as the "Giver of Life," in spiritual matters, we seek refuge in those to whom Allah has granted a special status. This means we do not attribute "power parallel to Allah" to that intermediary; rather, we attribute "power within the continuum of Allah’s power" to them. In other words, seeking help from the Saints is seeking help from Allah’s Will, which has crystallized in their beings. [10] Conclusion: Therefore, the doctrinal boundary between the two lies in the "intention and inner belief." If Istighatha is performed with the intention of "attributing independence" to other than Allah, it is an exit from the circle of Monotheism. However, if Istighatha is a request for mediation from someone whom Allah has made "beloved and close," it is not only not Shirk, but it represents the highest degrees of belief in the world’s Lordly system; [11] because the one seeking help, through this act, confesses that Allah manages the world based on a system in which certain servants hold a special position for intercession and support. In reality, seeking help through intermediaries is an honor to the very system that Allah Himself has delineated. [1] . Istighatha and its Jurisprudential Status, Qadari, Mohammad-Taher, p. 21. [2] . Aal-E-Imran: 49 «وَ أُبْرِئُ الْأَكْمَهَ وَ الْأَبْرَصَ وَ أُحْيِ الْمَوْتى‌ بِإِذْنِ اللَّهِ » [3] . Wahhabism at a Crossroad, Makarim Shirazi, Naser, p. 89. [4] . Yusuf: 97 «یا أَبانا اسْتَغْفِرْ لَنا» [5] . Musnad Ahmad, Ahmad ibn Hanbal, Vol. 28, p. 480. [6] . Al-Hikmah al-Muta'aliyah fi al-Asfar al-Aqliyyah al-Arba'ah, Mulla Sadra, Vol. 2, p. 216 « قد اشتهر من الفلاسفة الأقدمين أن المؤثر في الوجود مطلقا هو الواجب تعالى و الفيض كله من عنده...». [7] . Payam-e-Quran (Message of the Quran), Makarim Shirazi, Naser, Vol. 6, p. 408. [8] . Sharh al-Kafi, Mazandarani, Mulla Salih, Vol. 5, p. 168 « أبى اللّه أن يجري الأشياء إلّا بأسباب...». [9] . Bihar al-Anwar, Allamah Majlisi, Vol. 5, p. 75. [10] . Sharh Dua al-Sahar, Khomeini, Sayyid Ruhollah, p. 104 «و هو الأول و الآخر و الظاهر و الباطن، كذلك الأفعال و الحركات و التأثيرات كلها منه في مظاهر الخلق. فالحق فاعل بفعل العبد و قوةُ العبد ظهور قوة الحق». [11] . Tawassul: Monotheism or Shirk?, Makarim Shirazi, Naser, p. 13.

What is the Quran’s View on Istighatha (Seeking Help)? Istighatha is derived from the root "غوث" meaning to seek help, cry for assistance, and ask for salvation during hardship and affliction.[1] It takes two forms: Istighatha bil-Qawl (Istighatha by speech): If someone asks another for help using words and phrases, it is called Istighatha by speech. Istighatha bil-Fi'l (Istighatha by action): If someone requests help through their state or actions, it is called Istighatha by action. [2] The Holy Quran states that relying on the Originator of causes and turning to Him in tight spots and difficulties is innate to human nature. Even those without religion, when faced with destitution and despair regarding apparent means, cry out only to the court of Allah. The noble verse «وَ ما بِکُمْ مِنْ نِعْمَةٍ فَمِنَ اللَّهِ ثُمَّ إِذا مَسَّکُمُ الضُّرُّ فَإِلَیْهِ تَجْئَرُونَ»[3] refers to the fact that all blessings are from Allah, and when harm or misfortune befalls a person, they only cry out to Him (beseech and seek His help). This behavior demonstrates humanity’s practical acknowledgment of Allah’s Oneness in removing afflictions. [4] Examples of Istighatha in the Holy Quran The derivatives of the word "Istighatha" appear four times in the Quran: - The Istighatha of the Believers in the Battle of Badr: The Muslims, in the peak of anxiety, sought help from Allah, and Allah assisted them with angels: «إِذْ تَسْتَغِيثُونَ رَبَّكُمْ فَاسْتَجَابَ لَكُمْ أَنِّي مُمِدُّكُمْ بِأَلْفٍ مِنَ الْمَلَائِكَةِ مُرْدِفِينَ»[5] - The Istighatha of believing parents for the guidance of their child: «وَهُمَا يَسْتَغِيثَانِ اللَّهَ وَيْلَكَ آمِنْ إِنَّ وَعْدَ اللَّهِ حَقٌّ»[6] - The Istighatha of one of Moses’ (AS) followers against his enemy: «فَاسْتَغَاثَهُ الَّذِي مِنْ شِيعَتِهِ عَلَى الَّذِي مِنْ عَدُوِّهِ»[7] - The Istighatha of the people of Hell for deliverance from punishment, which is not answered: «وَإِنْ يَسْتَغِيثُوا يُغَاثُوا بِمَاءٍ كَالْمُهْلِ يَشْوِي الْوُجُوهَ»[8] The Quran addresses the topic of Istighatha in many other verses, even if it does not use the specific word "Istighatha," such as: - Salvation of Prophet Noah (AS) and his family from grief after calling upon Allah: «وَنُوحًا إِذْ نَادَىٰ مِنْ قَبْلُ فَاسْتَجَبْنَا لَهُ فَنَجَّيْنَاهُ وَأَهْلَهُ مِنَ الْكَرْبِ الْعَظِيمِ».[9] - The restoration of health to Job (AS) and the increase of his family, as a result of Job’s (AS) Istighatha to Allah: «وَأَيُّوبَ إِذْ نَادَىٰ رَبَّهُ أَنِّي مَسَّنِيَ الضُّرُّ وَأَنْتَ أَرْحَمُ الرَّاحِمِينَ * فَاسْتَجَبْنَا لَهُ فَكَشَفْنَا مَا بِهِ مِنْ ضُرٍّ».[10] - The Istighatha of Prophet Zechariah (AS) from Allah to request a child: «فَاسْتَجَبْنَا لَهُ وَوَهَبْنَا لَهُ يَحْيَىٰ وَأَصْلَحْنَا لَهُ زَوْجَهُ ۚ إِنَّهُمْ كَانُوا يُسَارِعُونَ فِي الْخَيْرَاتِ وَيَدْعُونَنَا رَغَبًا وَرَهَبًا ۖ وَكَانُوا لَنَا خَاشِعِينَ».[11] - The deliverance of Prophet Jonah (AS) from grief resulting from his Istighatha in the belly of the whale: «فَاصْبِرْ لِحُكْمِ رَبِّكَ وَلَا تَكُنْ كَصَاحِبِ الْحُوتِ إِذْ نَادَىٰ وَهُوَ مَكْظُومٌ».[12] Conclusion: The Quran’s view on Istighatha can be summarized in several key points: Seeking Istighatha from Allah in all circumstances, especially during hardships, is commendable and endorsed by the Quran. Prophets and believers have always been encouraged to do so. Seeking Istighatha from humans in normal and natural affairs is also endorsed in the Quran, as evidenced by Prophet Moses (AS) and Dhul-Qarnayn being asked for help and responding accordingly. Seeking Istighatha from the Friends of Allah (Awliya) for intercession and supplication is not prohibited in the Quran, given their high status with Allah. The Istighatha of disbelievers and oppressors on the Day of Judgment will be ineffective and unanswered. True Istighatha must be accompanied by humility, pleading, and focus on the Lordship of Allah. [13] [1] . Mujam Maqayis al-Lughah, Ibn Faris, Vol. 4, p. 400. [2] . Istighatha and its Juridical Status, Qadari, Mohammad Taher, p. 17. [3] . An-Nahl: 53. [4] . Al-Mizan fi Tafsir al-Qur’an, Allamah Tabatabai, Vol. 12, p. 272. [5] . Al-Anfal: 9. [6] . Al-Ahqaf: 17. [7] . Al-Qasas: 15. [8] . Al-Kahf: 29. [9] . Al-Anbiya: 76. [10] . Al-Anbiya: 83-84. [11] . Al-Anbiya: 90. [12] . Al-Qalam: 49. [13] . Farhang-e Qur’an, Hashemi Rafsanjani, Vol. 3, pp. 158-168.